<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">Erlewine (2017) suggests that certain sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Mandarin Chinese such as “sentential <italic>le</italic>” and <italic>eryi</italic> are located lower than the C-domain, using a number of arguments relating to the scopal interaction of these SFPs, subjects, and other verb phrase (<italic>v</italic>P) level elements. The present paper proposes an alternative view of the phenomena considered by Erlewine (2017) and maintains the claim that sentential <italic>le</italic> and <italic>eryi</italic> are C-domain elements. First, I argue that <italic>shi</italic> ‘be’, in the negative form – <italic>bu shi</italic> ‘not be’ – should be analyzed as an independent verb, which takes a clausal complement headed by <italic>le</italic> or <italic>eryi</italic>. The apparent narrow scope of <italic>le</italic> and <italic>eryi</italic> is due to the biclausal analysis of the entire sentence. Second, the sentence-initial determiner phrase (DP) cannot be analyzed as the real subject of the verb <italic>shi</italic> ‘be’ but must be analyzed as the matrix topic of the entire sentence and, therefore, is higher than the complementizer phrase (CP) headed by <italic>le</italic> or <italic>eryi</italic>. This explains why sometimes <italic>le</italic> or <italic>eryi</italic> does not have scope over the subject. Third, the <italic>wh</italic>-subject cannot get an indefinite reading in a sentence with a final particle <italic>le</italic> because the ∃-closure triggered by <italic>le</italic> applies at the I′-level by excluding the subject systematically (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_scl-2018-0004_ref_011_w2aab3b7b1b1b6b1ab1ac11Aa">Huang 1982</xref>). The ∃-quantifier, which is introduced in a position lower than the surface subject position, cannot bind the <italic>wh</italic>-subject as a variable. The position where ∃ is generated remains independent of whether the ∃-closure is triggered by low particles, such as <italic>le</italic>, or by high particles, such as the <italic>yes–no</italic> question particle <italic>ma</italic>. Therefore, the low peripheral particles <italic>le</italic> and <italic>eryi</italic> are still within the CP domain and thus higher than <italic>v</italic>P.</abstract>

Derivation of the Apparent Narrow Scope of Sentence-Final Particles in Chinese: A Reply to Erlewine (2017)

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">This paper analyzes the syntactic properties of the “<italic>ba</italic>-construction” or “disposal form” in Mandarin Chinese under new theoretical frameworks. By introducing the event-decomposition method proposed by <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_scl-2018-0005_ref_027_w2aab3b7b2b1b6b1ab1ac27Aa">Ramchand (2008)</xref>, it argues that the <italic>ba</italic>-construction conveys the causativity and the resultativity of the event at the same time, which can be shown from the syntactic representation. Then, this paper tests the position of <italic>ba</italic>, assuming that it is a functional head, and the result of the test indicates that <italic>ba</italic> is a voice head in the hierarchy of functional projections proposed by <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_scl-2018-0005_ref_008_w2aab3b7b2b1b6b1ab1ab8Aa">Cinque (1999</xref>, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_scl-2018-0005_ref_009_w2aab3b7b2b1b6b1ab1ab9Aa">2006</xref>). The final word order of a <italic>ba</italic>-construction can be derived by the argument movement of the direct object and by a head movement of <italic>ba</italic> or by the merge of <italic>ba</italic> at the head position of the higher functional head of a split VoiceP.</abstract>

A Cartographic Analysis of the Syntactic Structure of Mandarin <italic>Ba</italic>

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">This paper examines the use of Mandarin <italic>yě</italic> ‘also’ in contexts which <italic>dōu</italic> can be used as well, e.g., in <italic>no matter</italic> and <italic>even</italic> contexts. I argue that there is a correlation between the possibility of using <italic>yĕ</italic> and the presence of a scalar reading as well as a reference to an extremity on the scale in question. The data we present show that <italic>yě</italic> is invariably associated with scalar readings: <italic>yě</italic> is always used in scalar contexts, and contexts that are not obviously scalar become so when <italic>yě</italic> is used. I also argue that a scalar interpretation of <italic>wh</italic>-elements in <italic>no matter</italic> contexts can be derived with the aid of negation or modals, thus accounting for the felicitousness of <italic>yě</italic> in such contexts. The paper ends with a short note on <italic>lián</italic>, hypothesizing that its function is to introduce the extreme of the scale. I also argue that the licensing condition of the additive/basic <italic>yě</italic>, i.e., the presence of alternatives in the background, also plays a role in the scalar use of <italic>yě</italic>.</abstract>

Mandarin <italic>Yě</italic> and Scalarity

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Studies in Chinese Linguistics

 STUDIES IN CHINESE LINGUISTICS (ISSN 1017-1274) is an international academic journal devoted to comparative study of Chinese language and linguistics and a platform for research of comparative linguistics and dialectal grammar under a comparative approach. It was first published in 1980 by T.T. Ng Chinese Language Research Centre (CLRC) of the Institute of Chinese Studies at The Chinese University of Hong Kong. The journal is edited by CLRC, published and distributed by Sciendo (formerly De Gruyter Open) since 2015, with a single volume yearly containing two issues, three articles in each issue on average. We especially welcome synchronic or diachronic comparative works on any aspects of the syntax, semantics, and morphology among Chinese dialects or between a Chinese language/dialect and any languages that contribute to theoretical linguistics or have significant theoretical implications.  The journal does not have article processing charges (APCs) nor article submission charges.  Rejection Rate   64%   Archiving  Sciendo archives the contents of this journal in Portico - digital long-term preservation service of scholarly books, journals and collections.  Plagiarism Policy  The editorial board is participating in a growing community of Similarity Check System's users in order to ensure that the content published is original and trustworthy. Similarity Check is a medium that allows for comprehensive manuscripts screening, aimed to eliminate plagiarism and provide a high standard and quality peer-review process. 

Studies in Chinese Linguistics

Volume 39 (2018): Issue 2 (December 2018)

Derivation of the Apparent Narrow Scope of Sentence-Final Particles in Chinese: A Reply to Erlewine (2017)

A Cartographic Analysis of the Syntactic Structure of Mandarin Ba

Mandarin Yě and Scalarity

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