<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">Erlewine (2017) suggests that certain sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Mandarin Chinese such as “sentential <italic>le</italic>” and <italic>eryi</italic> are located lower than the C-domain, using a number of arguments relating to the scopal interaction of these SFPs, subjects, and other verb phrase (<italic>v</italic>P) level elements. The present paper proposes an alternative view of the phenomena considered by Erlewine (2017) and maintains the claim that sentential <italic>le</italic> and <italic>eryi</italic> are C-domain elements. First, I argue that <italic>shi</italic> ‘be’, in the negative form – <italic>bu shi</italic> ‘not be’ – should be analyzed as an independent verb, which takes a clausal complement headed by <italic>le</italic> or <italic>eryi</italic>. The apparent narrow scope of <italic>le</italic> and <italic>eryi</italic> is due to the biclausal analysis of the entire sentence. Second, the sentence-initial determiner phrase (DP) cannot be analyzed as the real subject of the verb <italic>shi</italic> ‘be’ but must be analyzed as the matrix topic of the entire sentence and, therefore, is higher than the complementizer phrase (CP) headed by <italic>le</italic> or <italic>eryi</italic>. This explains why sometimes <italic>le</italic> or <italic>eryi</italic> does not have scope over the subject. Third, the <italic>wh</italic>-subject cannot get an indefinite reading in a sentence with a final particle <italic>le</italic> because the ∃-closure triggered by <italic>le</italic> applies at the I′-level by excluding the subject systematically (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_scl-2018-0004_ref_011_w2aab3b7b1b1b6b1ab1ac11Aa">Huang 1982</xref>). The ∃-quantifier, which is introduced in a position lower than the surface subject position, cannot bind the <italic>wh</italic>-subject as a variable. The position where ∃ is generated remains independent of whether the ∃-closure is triggered by low particles, such as <italic>le</italic>, or by high particles, such as the <italic>yes–no</italic> question particle <italic>ma</italic>. Therefore, the low peripheral particles <italic>le</italic> and <italic>eryi</italic> are still within the CP domain and thus higher than <italic>v</italic>P.</abstract>

Derivation of the Apparent Narrow Scope of Sentence-Final Particles in Chinese: A Reply to Erlewine (2017)

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">This paper analyzes the syntactic properties of the “<italic>ba</italic>-construction” or “disposal form” in Mandarin Chinese under new theoretical frameworks. By introducing the event-decomposition method proposed by <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_scl-2018-0005_ref_027_w2aab3b7b2b1b6b1ab1ac27Aa">Ramchand (2008)</xref>, it argues that the <italic>ba</italic>-construction conveys the causativity and the resultativity of the event at the same time, which can be shown from the syntactic representation. Then, this paper tests the position of <italic>ba</italic>, assuming that it is a functional head, and the result of the test indicates that <italic>ba</italic> is a voice head in the hierarchy of functional projections proposed by <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_scl-2018-0005_ref_008_w2aab3b7b2b1b6b1ab1ab8Aa">Cinque (1999</xref>, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_scl-2018-0005_ref_009_w2aab3b7b2b1b6b1ab1ab9Aa">2006</xref>). The final word order of a <italic>ba</italic>-construction can be derived by the argument movement of the direct object and by a head movement of <italic>ba</italic> or by the merge of <italic>ba</italic> at the head position of the higher functional head of a split VoiceP.</abstract>

A Cartographic Analysis of the Syntactic Structure of Mandarin <italic>Ba</italic>

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">This paper examines the use of Mandarin <italic>yě</italic> ‘also’ in contexts which <italic>dōu</italic> can be used as well, e.g., in <italic>no matter</italic> and <italic>even</italic> contexts. I argue that there is a correlation between the possibility of using <italic>yĕ</italic> and the presence of a scalar reading as well as a reference to an extremity on the scale in question. The data we present show that <italic>yě</italic> is invariably associated with scalar readings: <italic>yě</italic> is always used in scalar contexts, and contexts that are not obviously scalar become so when <italic>yě</italic> is used. I also argue that a scalar interpretation of <italic>wh</italic>-elements in <italic>no matter</italic> contexts can be derived with the aid of negation or modals, thus accounting for the felicitousness of <italic>yě</italic> in such contexts. The paper ends with a short note on <italic>lián</italic>, hypothesizing that its function is to introduce the extreme of the scale. I also argue that the licensing condition of the additive/basic <italic>yě</italic>, i.e., the presence of alternatives in the background, also plays a role in the scalar use of <italic>yě</italic>.</abstract>

Mandarin <italic>Yě</italic> and Scalarity

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Studies in Chinese Linguistics

Volume 39 (2018): Issue 2 (December 2018)

Derivation of the Apparent Narrow Scope of Sentence-Final Particles in Chinese: A Reply to Erlewine (2017)

A Cartographic Analysis of the Syntactic Structure of Mandarin Ba

Mandarin Yě and Scalarity

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