<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">

<p>In Chengdu Chinese, degree intensifiers for APs/VPs are attested to pair with three different types of sentence-final particles (SFPs), i.e., the FinP-level, the FocP-level and the ExclP-level SFPs, which function to complete a sentence, encode a focus and express exclamation. In our analysis, a degree intensifier projects a DegP, which pairs with one of the three sentential projections, viz., FinP, FocP and ExclP. This pairing is motivated by feature checking, as intensifiers contain the uninterpretable semantic features of [+Fin], [+Foc] or [+Excl], which need to be checked by sentential projections. Due to the inalienable sentential functions, intensifiers are barred from occurring in any kind of non-finite contexts. Furthermore, FinP and FocP are within the <italic>v</italic>P-domain, whereas ExclP is in the CP domain. Thus, ExclP-type intensifiers, unlike FinP-type and FocP-type intensifiers, defy relativization. This study of associating degree intensification with sentential functions not only explains the syntactic behaviors of Chengdu intensifiers but also sheds new light on the well-known Mandarin <italic>hen</italic> puzzle.</p>
</abstract>

In Chengdu Chinese, degree intensifiers for APs/VPs are attested to pair with three different types of sentence-final particles (SFPs), i.e., the FinP-level, the FocP-level and the ExclP-level SFPs, which function to complete a sentence, encode a focus and express exclamation. In our analysis, a degree intensifier projects a DegP, which pairs with one of the three sentential projections, viz., FinP, FocP and ExclP. This pairing is motivated by feature checking, as intensifiers contain the uninterpretable semantic features of [+Fin], [+Foc] or [+Excl], which need to be checked by sentential projections. Due to the inalienable sentential functions, intensifiers are barred from occurring in any kind of non-finite contexts. Furthermore, FinP and FocP are within the vP-domain, whereas ExclP is in the CP domain. Thus, ExclP-type intensifiers, unlike FinP-type and FocP-type intensifiers, defy relativization. This study of associating degree intensification with sentential functions not only explains the syntactic behaviors of Chengdu intensifiers but also sheds new light on the well-known Mandarin hen puzzle.

Same Degree of Intensification with Different Degrees of Sentential Projections

Southwestern University of Finance and Economics

Lingua sinica

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 3.0 License.

{"article-title":"Same Degree of Intensification with Different Degrees of Sentential Projections"}

In Chengdu Chinese, degree intensifiers for APs/VPs are attested to pair with three different types of sentence-final particles (SFPs), i.e., the FinP-level,...

Same Degree of Intensification with Different Degrees of Sentential Projections

Data publikacji: 23 gru 2021

Zakres stron: 1 - 22

DOI: https://doi.org/10.2478/linguasinica-2021-0001

Słowa kluczowe
intensifiers, SFPs, sentential functions, DegP, FinP, FocP, ExclP

© 2021 Jiajuan Xiong et al., published by Sciendo

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 3.0 License.

Same Degree of Intensification with Different Degrees of Sentential Projections

Data publikacji: 23 gru 2021

Zakres stron: 1 - 22

DOI: https://doi.org/10.2478/linguasinica-2021-0001

Słowa kluczoweintensifiers, SFPs, sentential functions, DegP, FinP, FocP, ExclP

© 2021 Jiajuan Xiong et al., published by Sciendo

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 3.0 License.

Słowa kluczowe
intensifiers, SFPs, sentential functions, DegP, FinP, FocP, ExclP