The Crimean Tatars’ fate after the 2014 Crimea’s annexation by Russia is gradually becoming an object of studies. Some of them pay tribute to the complexity of the relationship between the Crimean Tatars and Russian state due to certain developments in the past. These were the first Crimea’s annexation by the Russian Empire in 1783 and the deportation of the Crimean Tatars by the Soviet regime in May 1944, which are crucial for shaping the Crimean Tatars’ perception of Russian policy in contemporary Crimea. Some authors discuss the importance of these events in the development of victimization narratives and political mobilization of the Crimean Tatars (Nikolko 2018, Ozcelik 2015). They point to the change in the politics of memory in annexed Crimea, where “depolitization together with generalization of the memorial dates and events is followed by unification of memorial practices” (Nikolko 2018, 88). Nikolko stressed that the repressive trends developing in Crimea provided a very little hope for fair research and public discussion of the traumatic past in Crimea. According to her, the “new authorities returned to the 1994 interpretation of the event, when May 18 was set as day of commemoration of the deportation’s victims without any particular ethnic connotation. The Soviet discourse of ignorance of the trauma of a particular indigenous ethnic group was revitalized once again” (Nikolko 2018, 89).
Buhari-Gulmez’ study focuses on the Crimean Tatar self-determination movement showing the discursive shift from “deportation crisis” to “annexation crisis” in the Crimean Tatar community, including the diaspora. She argued that since 2014 Crimean Tatars tend to represent the Russian annexation of Crimea as “the crisis” referring to the deinstitutionalization of Crimean Tatar political agency in Crimea and the increasing “invisibility” of Crimean Tatar self-determination claims given the ongoing “hegemonic struggles” over who represents Crimean Tatars (Buhari-Gulmez 2018, 219-220).
Žídková and Melichar, using the framework of societal security (sustainable development of traditional patterns of language, culture, and national identity), argued that, based on the proclamations by the leaders and interviews with ordinary Crimean Tatars, “there is no doubt that the majority of Tatars feels threatened” (Žídková and Melichar 2015, 102). They presented examples of Russia’s pressure over the Crimean Tatars and argued that several necessary conditions to precipitate fear within societal groups can be found in the Crimea: negative group stereotypes, threatened ethnic symbols (flags, statues), and a threatened demographic situation (Žídková and Melichar 2015, 104). They also raised the questions of how can the Crimean Tatar society react to these threats to their identity and why does the Crimean Tatar resistance remain nonviolent? According to Žídková and Melichar, there are several reasons for nonviolent resistance. First, the Crimean Tatars constitute roughly twelve percent of the Crimean population, and any attempt to start an armed resistance would result in ultimate failure against the superior military power of the Russian majority. Second, no paramilitary organization exists that would safeguard the interests of the Crimean Tatars. Third, the Crimean authorities, as well as the Russian army, would undoubtedly use this opportunity to introduce even harsher repressions against the Tatar minority. Fourth, most of the societal threats in Crimea are connected with legal or bureaucratic discrimination, which as a rule provokes nonmilitary responses (Žídková and Melichar 2015, 105).
Other scholars have also shown an interest in the ways of the Crimean Tatars’ actual and future resistance to Russia. Ozcelik has analyzed them within the framework of conflict analysis and peace studies fields, paying particular attention to the nonviolent nature of the Crimean Tatar National Movement as a prerequisite for peaceful resistance in nowadays Crimea (Ozcelik 2015, 12). Among other factors, Ozcelik pointed to the small size of the Crimean Tatar nation, the embodiment of nonviolence in the Crimean Tatar popular culture, and their close historical ties to the Soviet dissident movements (Ozcelik 2015, 14).
Besides victimization narratives and ways of resistance, some attention has also been paid to identity and institutional changes within the Crimean Tatar people, particularly to the divide and rule policy (Wilson 2017) and relationships of the Crimean Tatar’s
While scholarship on post-2014 developments in Crimea provides a general picture of the situation, there are important issues that have not received their coverage yet. Among them is the transformation of the Crimean Tatar institutions and discourses and their hybridization, which is understood as the formation of new institutions with mixed, heterogeneous composition and discourse. This process, based on discourse analysis of statements of members of “Crimean solidarity” (
The article is organized in the following manner. First, I provide an overview of the theoretical concepts of hybridity and hybrid organization in the context of third-sector research. Second, I give a general picture of institutional development within the Crimean Tatar community after repatriation, by showing the
The concept of hybridity is well known in a variety of disciplines, from linguistics, cultural studies, and technology to biology. The term ‘hybridity’ has been used on various occasions and, as Bassi states, became one of the crossborder concepts able to ‘pollinate’ to ‘fertilize’ different fields of thought and to open new frontiers in the development of knowledge (Bassi 2014, 397). In social evolution theory, the term ‘hybridity’ traditionally carried the connotation of being ‘impure,’ ‘rationally contaminated,’ and genetically ‘deviant’ but in the late twentieth century has been reappropriated to signal cultural synthesis (Ifekwunigwe 1999, 188). In the recent decades, hybridity is used within cultural and postcolonial studies, and the term is often related to studies of diasporas, immigration, and biculturalism, and questions about new identities and ethnicities (Pelliccia 2017, 55).
In this paper, the concept of hybridity applies to the organizational level. Hybridity, together with hybrid organizations, appears as a multidimensional concept that is discussed within different contexts. In the nonprofit sector (i.e. third sector) studies, hybridity typically refers to the complex organizational forms that arise as voluntary, charitable, and community organizations confront differentiated task, legitimacy, or resource environments (Skelcher and Smith 2015, 433). Many scholars agree that hybridity in the third sector is not a new phenomenon. For many years, some organizations have moved into hybridity in a rather gentle manner, causing minor disturbances but not necessarily calling into question their basic third-sector identity (Billis 2010, 60). Some even argue that the third-sector organizations are inherently hybrids because they tend to contain different missions and values connected to the community, markets, and the state (Smith 2010, 220).
Although in each disciplinary context hybridity means something different in detail, a basic definition is common to all of them: “a mixture of essentially contradictory and conflicting elements” (Brandsen and Karré 2011, 828). Scholars tend to agree that hybrid organizations contain mixed sectoral, legal, structural, and/or mission-related elements (Smith 2010, 220). They are therefore seen as “heterogeneous arrangements, characterized by mixtures of pure and incongruous origins, (ideal)types, ‘cultures,’ ‘coordination mechanisms,’ ‘rationalities,’ or ‘action logics” (Brandsen et al. 2005, 750).
Scholars believe that it is very likely that hybrid organizations spring up in response to periods of crises (economic, political, social, etc.) (Bassi 2014, 399) or ‘environmental uncertainty’ (Smith 2010, 220) when traditional solutions to broad social problems do not seem to address the challenges introduced by the new institutional environment. Often hybrids are better able to adapt to turbulent environments than the two original (pure) organizational forms from which they originate (Bassi 2014, 400). The essential combination of different organizational principles proves to be advantageous and allows them to react more flexible and without being tied to one specific logic of action.
Theorizing hybridity, scholars attempted to propose typologies of hybrids in the third sector. Thus, Billis offers the concepts of (a) ‘shallow’ and ‘entrenched’ hybrids and (b) ‘organic’ and ‘enacted’ hybrids. The ‘shallow hybrid’ is an organization in which the process of hybridization is very low, light, or superficial. Alternatively, an ‘entrenched hybrid’ is an organization in which the process of hybridization is very profound and deep and involves both the governance and operational levels of the organization (Billis 2010, 59). The ‘organic hybrid’ is an organization that is born as a pure, single-sector type (public, private, and third sector) moving slowly, during its life cycle, toward a more hybrid organizational form. The ‘enacted hybrid’, in contrast, is an organization that from the beginning is established as a hybrid (Billis 2010, 61). Billis hypothesized that nowadays we are facing a double movement from ‘shallow hybrid’ to ‘entrenched hybrid’ and from ‘organic hybrid’ to ‘enacted hybrid’ (Billis 2010, 65).
Skelcher and Smith argued that hybridization arises from a plurality of rationalities – which they termed ‘institutional logics’ (Skelcher and Smith 2015, 434). They viewed hybridization as a process in which plural logics and thus actor identities are in play within an organization, leading to several possible organizational outcomes. Based on this, they proposed five types of hybrids: segmented, segregated, assimilated, blended, and blocked (Skelcher and Smith 2015, 440). In the assimilated hybrid, which is used in this article to describe the ‘Crimean solidarity’ organization, the core or original logic remains but the organization adopts some of the practices and symbols of a new logic. The organization reflects the expectations of the new logic in terms of its structure, symbols, and language but in its day-to-day practice continues to operate in line with its institutional origins (Skelcher and Smith 2015, 441-442).
The concept of hybridity in this paper is used to describe the transformation of the traditional Crimean Tatar institutions and discourses in the situation of crisis and uncertainty caused by the 2014 annexation of Crimea. Hybridity here is understood as the blurring of boundaries between (a) secular and religious and (b) ethnic and Islamic in the Crimean Tatar community. As the last part of the paper shows, the ‘Crimean solidarity’ as a hybrid organization appeared to present more effective in serving the community’s needs model of organization compared to other institutions with more ‘pure’ nature.
After the return of the Crimean Tatar people from the places of deportation to Crimea in the early 1990s, they managed to create a fairly effective system of ethnic institutions to deal with political, legal, socioeconomic, and religious issues of repatriates (Shevel 2000, 9-10). Among these institutions, the most influential were the
The
The
The SAMC (or simply
The main ideology of the SAMC, as the charter of this organization says, was Islam, according to which the During these years, Qurultay in Crimea adopted several resolutions condemning nontraditional Islamic groups and calling for the preservation of spiritual unity. See, for example, “Postanovlenie Kurultaya krymskotatarskogo naroda ‘O zadachakh organov natsional’nogo samoupravleniya po ukrepleniyu dukhovnogo edinstva krymskotatarskogo naroda’ [Resolution of the Qurultay of the Crimean Tatar people ‘On the tasks of national self-government bodies to strengthen the spiritual unity of the Crimean Tatar people’],” December 2009.
In general, the secular discourse of the
The dissemination of the main messages of the
The discourse of the SAMC contained the same messages of the secular discourse and simply added religious nuances in explanation of certain themes, for example the first annexation and deportation. If secular discourse among the reasons pointed exclusively to political factors – the decline of the Ottoman Empire, Russia’s expansionist policy, dislike of the Crimean Tatars, etc. – the religious discourse reminded the Crimean Tatars of the root cause of all their troubles – their indifference toward their religion. It was because of the departure of the Crimean Tatars from Islam that God turned them into a victim of the neighboring (infidel) state (Kouts and Muratova 2014, 30-31). This particular interpretation of the reasons of the annexation and deportation was given by imams of Crimean mosques on the eve of deportation each year.
In spring 2014, Crimea has been de facto transferred from Ukrainian state to a Russian country “with an authoritarian overcentralized government, fake multi-party system, the massive state-sponsored propaganda campaigns, effective repressive machinery and no such luxuries as freedom of speech, fair and transparent elections or independent judiciary” (Osipov 2014, 9-10). From the beginning, experts foresaw the risks of pressure, intimidation, and persecutions an independent Crimean Tatar movement can face in Russia (Osipov 2014, 10).
The annexation of Crimea radically changed the balance of power within the Crimean Tatar people. A crucial step for this was Russia’s ban of the
To fill out the vacuum created by the expulsion of the
The fate of the SAMC, in contrast to the
Such a ‘rise’ of the Particularly, statements were criticizing the food and energy blockades of Crimea and the formation of the Crimean Tatar battalion within the Ukrainian armed forces fighting in the Donbas area (Wilson 2017: 30). It was evident from the focus group and individual interviews of the study “The values and needs of the Crimean Tatars” conducted in 2017–2019 in Crimea. The study was conducted by the author of the paper together with Alime Apselyamova and Lenora Dyulber. The mufti of the SAMC in Kyiv became Ayder Rustamov who from 2015 headed the Committee of Spiritual Values of Muslims in the community of Crimean Tatars in Kyiv.
As a result of institutional changes and especially
The real and imagined threats to societal security, understood as “ability of a society to persist under changing conditions and possible and actual threats” (Waever 1993, 23), manifested in deportations of the
As an independent organization, ‘Crimean solidarity’ appeared in April 2016 on the basis of the Crimean contact group ( The Crimean Tatar National Movement for the return to Crimea has been established in the 1960s in the places of the Crimean Tatars’ exile in Central Asia.
When the Crimean contact group has been transformed into the ‘Crimean solidarity,’ it united families of more than 20 arrested and detained Crimean Tatars, their lawyers, members of the Crimean Tatar National Movement, the
The ‘Crimean solidarity’ is structured horizontally and consists of several groups of people responsible for a particular type of activity. These groups operate voluntarily and are coordinated by a person who is officially called the coordinator. In 2016–2018, Server Mustafaev held this position until he was arrested. Currently, the duties of the coordinator are performed by Dilyaver Memetov. Dilyaver Memetov is the son of one of the arrested Crimean Tatars, Remzi Memetov, who in December 2018 was sentenced to 17 years. For example, on March 27, 2019, there were arrests of 27 people in the city of Simferopol and Simferopol district, many of whom were active members of the ‘Crimean solidarity’ (V Krymu…2019).
The peculiarity of the ‘Crimean solidarity’ is dominance in its ranks with people with a strong Islamic identity, who until 2014 was on the other side of the Although in 2009, there was an attempt by the head of the Crimean branch of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine general Moskal to ban it (Moskal trebuet…2009).
With the arrival of Russia in Crimea, where HT is considered as an extremist organization, party members began to be subjected to pressure. According to the Crimean Human Rights Group, as of April 2019, 55 people were arrested (V ramkakh...2019). Some of them had already received prison sentences, while others were still under investigation. The very detention of these people was accompanied by large-scale special operations of the Russian Center for combating extremism (the so-called ‘Center E’), which were carried out early in the morning with cordon off streets and involvement of several dozen armed men. As a rule, detentions were preceded by searches in the houses of these people, during which security forces seized phones, computers, and other equipment. The families of detained and arrested representatives of the HT later formed the core of the ‘Crimean solidarity’.
Bringing together different people with different backgrounds within the ‘Crimean solidarity’ became possible only after the annexation, when former opponents came closer to each other under the pressure of a common threat – the repression of the Russian state. The
Finding such different people within the ‘Crimean solidarity’ inevitably led to the transformation of their discourses. First, activists of the organization do not publicly associate themselves with HT, which is understandable, given its status in the Russian Federation. Besides, they seek to get away from exclusively Islamic rhetoric, which previously dominated among them and was causing acute irritation among the One of the most famous activists of the ‘Crimean solidarity’ lawyer Emil Kurtbedinov has even received in 2017 the international human rights award «Front Line Defenders» (Koshelev 2017).
Second, it is interesting how ‘Crimean solidarity’ activists position victims of the Russian regime. Concepts such as ‘Muslims of Crimea,’ ‘Crimean Tatars,’ and ‘Crimean Tatar people’ are used as synonyms.
The offensive on active people is getting stronger every day. It will go as long as we have the spirit of collectivism, general assistance, and the spirit of the fact that we are The speech of public defender Mustafa Seidaliev at the monthly meeting of the ‘Crimean solidarity’ on April 28, 2019.
Moreover, activists readily supported the initiative of the
Third, the ‘Crimean solidarity’ activists began to use the same victimization narratives developed by the
Our people has The speech of the public defender Server Cholakchik at the monthly meeting of ‘Crimean solidarity’ on March 31, 2019.
Fourth, the red line in the rhetoric of the activists is the idea that nowadays persecution is not the persecution of supporters of one particular group (namely HT) but the persecution directed against the entire Crimean Tatar people. They try to convince people outside their group that sooner or later representatives of other groups and organizations within the Crimean Tatar society could also find themselves as victims, because the regime is anti-Crimean Tatar in its nature. For this reason, ‘Crimean solidarity’ activists believe that it is shortsighted to amuse themselves with the idea that you can stay away. Instead, everyone, according to them, needs to show active support to those who are being persecuted at the moment.
There is a system, and for this system, raw materials are needed ... Today, some people fall into the millstones of this system. There is no need to harbor illusions - The speech of the lawyer Nazim Sheikhmambetov at the monthly meeting of ‘Crimean solidarity’ on April 28, 2019.
The activists of ‘Crimean solidarity’ stress that their organization is not an organization of a particular group but a platform for everyone in Crimea willing to peacefully resist the regime.
Crimean solidarity is not a localized union. This is a The speech of the coordinator of the project ‘Crimean childhood’ Mumine Salieva at the monthly meeting of ‘Crimean solidarity” on March 31, 2019.
Not only the discourse of the ‘Crimean solidarity’ has mixed, hybrid composition but the activity too. It goes in line with the general course of the Crimean Tatars’ struggle developed back to the 1960s based on nonviolent resistance and also contemporary security considerations (see Žídková and Melichar 2015, 105). Human rights protection is an important part of it. The organization has a quite big group of lawyers, consisting of those who lived in the Crimea before annexation and managed to obtain Russian legal certificates after it and those who came to Crimea from Russia particularly to defend victims of Russian persecution. The last are people with different ethnic and religious backgrounds. All of them handle cases of detained and arrested Crimean Tatars, represent them in courts, file appeals, etc.
Another activity of the organization is civil journalism. Its representatives are constantly present at searches and arrests of the Crimean Tatars. A rapid warning system based on social media involvement has been developed and allows them to quickly arrive at the scene. From there, they conduct online reports and post them on social media. These reports have become the main source of information about the ongoing repressions in Crimea, as the local media either ignore this information totally or present it from security services official stance.
Charity is another important part of the ‘Crimean solidarity’ activities. It involves the provision of material assistance to detained and arrested people and their family members. For example, the activists initiated several fundraising projects intending to help prisoners to pay their fines. In the framework of the charitable activities, there is a project ‘Our children’ (
Finally, psychological support for families of the victims is another part of the ‘Crimean solidarity’ work. The monthly meetings of this organization have an important therapeutic function, when mothers, wives, and sisters of detainees have the opportunity to exchange information, to say about the situation of their loved ones, and sometimes to read their letters, appeals, and even poems written in prison.
The appearance of ‘Crimean solidarity’ took place in the period of crisis caused by the Russian annexation of Crimea when the Crimean Tatar community was trying to get used to new, mainly perceived as hostile, reality. It was a time when traditional institutions (
The hybridity of the ‘Crimean solidarity’ can be found at organizational, ideological, and operational levels. At the level of organization, it follows the logic of action of the HT with its close relationship between the members based on Islamic brotherhood, mutual aid, and reciprocity. This helps the organization’s members to continue their activities in the face of ever-increasing pressure. Activities in the name of affected brothers and sisters give them greater dedication and motivation. At the same time, the ‘Crimean solidarity’ inherited the nonviolent form of resistance developed back to the 1960s by the Crimean Tatar National Movement and later used by the
At the ideological level of ‘Crimean solidarity,’ there is also a mixture of various ideas, concepts, and narratives. The presence of Islam in the organization’s activities is very noticeable both in the appearance of its activists (beards for men, scarves on women’s heads) and the way they perform activities (separation of men and women during monthly meetings, reading Muslim prayers there). Although religious motifs are still very sound in the rhetoric of members of this organization, it also incorporates important topics from the secular discourse of the
At the operational level, this hybrid organization with a strong religious background is coping with a set of activities that previously were done mainly by secular institutions. These include human rights, journalism, charity, and other activities. The emphasis on human rights activities suggests that the current generation of the Crimean Tatars has adopted the strategy of resistance of generations of the Soviet period. The ‘Crimean solidarity’ seeks to build ties with both Russian and international human rights organizations. In a situation of limited political opportunities, many Crimean Tatar activists previously involved in the system of the
Using existing typologies in the third-sector studies, it is possible to name the ‘Crimean solidarity’ as the ‘shallow hybrid’ (Billis 2010, 59), which means that by now it is an organization in which the process of hybridization is low but is constantly moving to the ‘entrenched’ hybrid with a more profound level of hybridization. This is also consonant with what Skelcher and Smith called ‘assimilated hybrid,’ an organization in which the core or original logic remains but adopts some of the practices and symbols of a new logic (Skelcher and Smith 2015, 441-442). This means that ‘Crimean solidarity’ keeps the original logic of HT’s institution development but adopts some practices and narratives of the
Certainly, the phenomenon of ‘Crimean solidarity’ shows the blurring of lines between secular and religious, ethnic and Islamic in the Crimean Tatar society. It particularly shows how people with different backgrounds and agendas leave their differences aside to support each other in the face of real and imagined threats to societal security. Of course, this seemingly ideal situation has many nuances that need to be further studied and explained. At this stage, it is difficult to say what lies ahead of this hybrid organization: whether it will become a strong organization, following the example of which other ethnic organizations of the Crimean Tatars will be created, or differences between activists with a different understanding of the future of the Crimean Tatars will prove to be so significant that the hybrid will become ineffective. The literature on hybridity shows that hybridization may lead to the loss of the organization’s ideology and general orientation, and hybrids can experience intraorganizational tensions that can be of different nature and bring up various consequences. Much depends on environmental change and on the ability of leaders to have a strategic vision for the future.