Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP): The Devil in Disguise or a Golden Opportunity to Build a Transatlantic Marketplace?
Published Online: Dec 31, 2016
Page range: 315 - 340
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1515/bjals-2016-0011
Keywords
© 2016 Christian Pitschas
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 3.0 License.
The negotiations between the European Union (E.U.) and the United States of America (U.S.) regarding a free-trade agreement called the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) were launched in 2013 and are ongoing. Both parties have declared their intention to finish the negotiations by the end of 2016 but this timeline seems unrealistic in view of the (number of) unresolved issues.(1) Given the parties’ willingness to negotiate a comprehensive and ambitious agreement,(2) it is understandable that the negotiations are not yet completed. There is another reason, though, why the two sides have not yet been able to wrap up their talks: in parallel to their negotiations on TTIP, both parties have pursued further negotiations, at bilateral, plurilateral and multilateral level, which have sapped energy and resources.
At the multilateral level, the European Union and the United States were actively engaged in the Doha-round negotiations until the WTO Ministerial Conference in Nairobi at the end of 2015.(3) At the plurilateral level, the European Union and the United States have been involved in the negotiations concerning a revised Information Technology Agreement (ITA 2), which were concluded in Nairobi, and are major players in the negotiations on a Trade in Services Agreement (TiSA) and an Environmental Goods Agreement (EGA), respectively.(4) Moreover, the United States have strongly pushed for concluding another plurilateral agreement, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), which was signed in autumn last year;(5) the current U.S. government hopes to receive the assent of U.S. Congress before the next U.S. President is sworn in.(6) At the bilateral level, the European Union has recently concluded negotiations on a free-trade agreement with Vietnam and is in negotiations with Japan concerning a free-trade agreement which both sides hope to finish before the end of 2016.(7)
The aforementioned negotiations at bilateral and plurilateral level, including on TTIP, have a common denominator: World Trade Organization (WTO) Members’ failure to achieve a breakthrough in the Doha-round negotiations, even after almost fifteen years since their inception in 2001.(8) While some limited progress has been made since then, notably in the area of trade facilitation,(9) agreement in the crucial negotiating areas - non-agricultural market access, agriculture and services - is elusive. This sobering state of affairs has been demonstrated once again by the last WTO Ministerial Conference in Nairobi whose ministerial declaration lays bare the deep divisions among WTO Members over the question of how to continue these negotiations.(10) For the moment, the Doha-round negotiations are on hold and WTO Members pause for reflecting on the way forward in these negotiations.(11)
The realization that the Doha-round negotiations are lost in a maze of diverging interests has prompted a number of mostly developed countries, first and foremost the European Union and the United States, to seek different solutions, as is evidenced by the aforementioned negotiating initiatives. At the plurilateral level, the negotiations focus on single issues, such as trade in services or environmental goods, and are conducted among a group of countries which are willing to come to a meaningful agreement as quickly as possible; indeed, parties to the plurilateral negotiations on services (TiSA) and environmental goods (EGA) aim for their conclusion by the end of 2016.(12) The noteworthy exception in this respect is TPP, since it is a comprehensive, deep integration agreement. At the bilateral level, the negotiations pursue a deep integration between two parties; a recent example is the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) which was concluded by the European Union and Canada.(13)
TTIP, too, is supposed to be a deep integration agreement, in terms of its level of market access, scope of regulatory cooperation and breadth of rules. Yet TTIP stands out for two reasons: the huge volume of trade and investment flows between the European Union and the United States,(14) and the intensity and density of regulatory cooperation sought by both parties.(15) This is why TTIP is sometimes referred to as a “mega deal”. The other mega deal is TPP whose economic weight and degree of deep integration, if it entered into force, would be similar to that of TTIP.(16)
However, TTIP’s character as a mega deal entails a number of negative connotations, which are echoed in relation to TPP. One such connotation is related to the impact that TTIP could have on the multilateral trading system. In this regard, it is questioned whether the European Union and United States would neglect their (joint) responsibility for the latter system and instead focus their attention on their bilateral trade relationship.(17) Another, albeit slightly contrary, concern is whether the European Union and United States would attempt to impose their bilateral rules on the multilateral trading system.(18) Also, developing countries are wondering whether their preferential trading relationships with either of the two parties, especially tariff preferences unilaterally enjoyed by them in the European Union and the United States, will be adversely affected by any market opening that the European Union and the United States exclusively grant each other.(19)
But the concerns with TTIP do not stop there. In the European Union in particular, the public in many Member States is worried about what TTIP might mean for them. Three issues seem to attract particular attention: (i) the transparency of the negotiations, (ii) the level of protection in areas such as health, environment, food, and data protection, and (iii) the rules on investment protection and the role of investor-to-state dispute settlement (ISDS) with respect to regulation for legitimate public policy objectives and its relationship with the domestic judicial system.(20) The public debate on these and other topics is fierce, although sometimes misinformed and misguided.
Against this backdrop, this article seeks to approach TTIP by looking into the following issues:
What is the basic idea behind TTIP, and on what basis does the European Commission negotiate with the United States? How are the negotiations structured, and how far have they advanced? Would TTIP fall within the EU’s exclusive competence for common commercial policy, or would it be a “mixed agreement” which has to be ratified by all EU Member States? What impact would TTIP have on the multilateral trading system in general and developing countries in particular?
In November 2011, the European Union and the United States established a high level working group on jobs and growth (HLWG).(21) The HLWG was asked to pinpoint “policies and measures” that would increase transatlantic trade so as to stimulate economic growth, create jobs and enhance competitiveness.(22) After consultations with various stakeholders, public and private, from both sides of the Atlantic, the HLWG issued its final report in early February 2013.
The final report recommended that the European Union and the United States commence negotiations on a “comprehensive, ambitious agreement that addresses a broad range of bilateral trade and investment issues, including regulatory issues, and contributes to the development of global rules.”(23) This recommendation is based on the assumption that a transatlantic agreement of this kind “could generate new business and employment by significantly expanding trade and investment opportunities in both economies.”(24) Achieving this objective would necessitate opening further the markets on both sides of the Atlantic as well as promoting regulatory cooperation and coherence with a view to “moving progressively toward a more integrated transatlantic marketplace.”(25) In addition to these economic considerations, the final report noted that “the extraordinarily close strategic partnership between the United States and Europe” would be strengthened by concluding such an agreement.(26)
In light of these goals, the final report identified three general themes for a comprehensive trade and investment agreement:
market access, non-tariff barriers (NTBs) and regulatory issues, and rules and principles relating to global trade.(27)
As regards market access, a traditional subject of free-trade agreements, the final report stated that obstacles relating to goods, services, investment and procurement should be addressed in a manner that “goes beyond what the United States and the European Union have achieved in previous trade agreements.”(28) Thus, there is an expectation that TTIP should lead to an unprecedented level of market access. Given that the markets of the European Union and the United States are relatively open, a further opening of these markets would require both parties to make concessions in those sectors that they consider as sensitive, in particular as regards services and government procurement.
In respect of NTBs and regulatory issues, a somewhat more recent phenomenon of free-trade agreements, the final report noted that regulatory cooperation, i.e. cooperation between regulators /regulatory authorities, and greater regulatory compatibility (through means such as equivalence, mutual recognition and harmonization) are key in reducing administrative burdens and compliance costs arising from existing regulations, while safeguarding “the levels of health, safety, and environmental protection that each side deems appropriate.”(29) In this respect, the final report singled out a number of elements which should be the focus of negotiations:
chapters on technical barriers to trade (TBT) and sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) measures, which build on the corresponding agreements of the WTO but include additional (“WTO plus”) commitments, a horizontal chapter on good regulatory practices, sector-specific chapters with targeted rules for selected goods and services sectors, and an institutional framework for future dialogue on regulatory cooperation and compatibility.(30)
As regards rules and principles relating to global trade, the final report took the view that such rules and principles “would also contribute to the progressive strengthening of the multilateral trading system.”(31) According to the final report, those rules and principles should address a host of issues, including intellectual property rights, environment and labour, customs and trade facilitation, competition policy, state-owned enterprises, raw materials and energy, localization barriers to trade, small and medium-sized enterprises, and transparency.(32)
The HLWG’s final report spells out, in a nutshell, the reasons that speak in favour of negotiating a transatlantic free-trade agreement. These reasons are both economic and political in nature. To a large extent, the economic benefit would come from enhancing the regulatory cooperation and compatibility between the European Union and the United States.(33) Yet it is exactly this regulatory part many European and American citizens are concerned about, as they fear a loss of regulatory autonomy and a lowering of safety standards. The European Commission insists, however, that TTIP would not undermine European standards in areas such as the environment and public health but rather maintain parties’ “right to regulate” so as to pursue their legitimate public policy objectives.(34) Nonetheless, one wonders whether the HLWG did not underestimate foreseeable public opposition against closer regulatory cooperation and compatibility as an immediate component of a transatlantic agreement instead of opting for a more cautious approach by establishing procedural rules in the agreement that would pave the way for future discussions on a more integrated transatlantic approach to regulation.
On the trade policy side, the HLWG envisages the development of rules and principles that would not only be applicable to the bilateral transatlantic trade relationship but constitute a template for similar rules at the multilateral level. Indeed, representatives of both parties have stressed several times since the negotiations were launched that TTIP should set forth “global” rules on emerging trade issues where no multilateral rules yet exist.(35) Interestingly, the same approach is followed by TPP, as was emphasised by U.S. President
Shortly after the release of the HLWG’s final report, the EU Council adopted the negotiating directives for the Commission, the so-called negotiating mandate.(37) It provides binding guidance to the Commission for the negotiations, in terms of the negotiating objectives as well as the negotiating areas. Initially, the negotiating mandate was not made public for reasons of confidentiality. In the meantime, the negotiating mandate has been published, for the sake of transparency.(38) It should be noted that the negotiating mandate does not contain any surprises, at least not to the informed observer, as it essentially confirms the objectives put forward by the HLWG’s final report. Nonetheless, the publication is useful in that it dispels any suspicion whether the European Union might pursue secret goals in these negotiations.
Pursuant to the negotiating mandate, the “agreement shall provide for the reciprocal liberalisation of trade in goods and services as well as rules on trade-related issues, with a high level of ambition going beyond existing WTO commitments.”(39) Next, the negotiating mandate calls for a preamble that underlines the “common principles and values” of the parties, including their right to take measures necessary to achieve “legitimate public policy objectives on the basis of the level of protection of health, safety, labour, consumers, the environment and the promotion of cultural diversity … that they deem appropriate.”(40) Further, the negotiating mandate states that the EU objectives consist of increasing trade and investment between the European Union and the United States “through increased market access and greater regulatory compatibility and setting the path for global standards.”(41) Accordingly, the agreement should consist of three core components, namely market access, NTBs and regulatory issues, and rules.(42)
The market access component should cover: (i) trade in goods, (ii) trade in services and establishment, (iii) investment protection, and (iv) public procurement. As regards trade in goods, an elimination of “all duties on bilateral trade” is envisaged, with “options for the treatment of the most sensitive products, including tariff rate quotas.”(43) As regards trade in services, the negotiating mandate directs the Commission to seek “the highest level of liberalisation captured in existing FTAs … while achieving new market access by tackling remaining long-standing market access barriers, recognising the sensitive nature of certain sectors.”(44) Audiovisual services, however, are not covered.(45) In the field of investment protection, the negotiations should be conducted “on the basis of the highest levels of liberalisation and highest standards of protection that both Parties have negotiated to date.”(46)But a caveat applies to ISDS: its inclusion “will depend on whether a satisfactory solution … is achieved.”(47) In the area of public procurement, the negotiations should aim for “maximum ambition” by seeking enhanced mutual access “at all administrative levels (national, regional and local).”(48) Moreover, the public procurement chapter should address “local content or local production requirement, including Buy America(n) provisions, … and existing carve-outs, including for small and medium-sized enterprises.”(49)
The agreement’s second component on NTBs and regulatory issues should aim for an “ambitious level of regulatory compatibility for goods and services … and enhanced cooperation between regulators.”(50) However, this has to be “without prejudice to the right to regulate.”(51) In addition to provisions on SPS measures and TBT, the agreement should encompass “cross-cutting” rules on regulatory coherence and transparency that allow for “efficient, cost-effective, and more compatible regulations for goods and services.”(52) Moreover, regulatory differences in specific goods and services sectors should be diminished through “harmonisation, equivalence, or mutual recognition, where appropriate.”(53) Also, a framework for “guiding further work on regulatory issues” should be set up.(54) The rules agreed on regulatory cooperation and compatibility ought to be “binding on all regulators and other competent authorities of both Parties.”(55)
The agreement’s third component on rules should cover a number of issues, in particular intellectual property rights, trade and sustainable development, and customs and trade facilitation. As regards intellectual property rights, the agreement should provide for “enhanced protection and recognition of EU Geographical Indications.”(56) Further, the “labour and environmental aspects of trade and sustainable development” should be addressed by the agreement.(57) In the area of customs and trade facilitation, the parties’ commitments are expected to go beyond “commitments negotiated in the WTO.”(58)
In sum, the negotiating mandate reflects the idea that TTIP should lead to a comprehensive and deep economic integration between the European Union and the United States. While this goal has been pursued already in the Union’s trade relations with other countries, such as South Korea, Singapore, and, most recently, Canada, TTIP would take the idea even a step further because of the scope and extent of the transatlantic trade and investment relationship. To achieve said goal, the negotiations should pursue an ambitious outcome in terms of market access for goods and services, possibly going beyond the level of market access achieved under other free-trade agreements of either the European Union or the United States, and lead to a significantly enhanced cooperation between the European Union and the United States on the way they regulate, including through increased cooperation between the respective regulatory authorities, common rules for the process of designing new regulatory measures and an elimination or reduction of existing regulatory differences in specific goods and services sectors.
The structure of the negotiations follows the agreement’s prospective content. Accordingly, three main parts may be discerned.(59) The first part is about market access. Negotiations on market access relate to trade in goods, including customs duties and rules of origin, services and public procurement. The second part concerns regulatory cooperation and compatibility. Negotiations in this area are two-pronged: they seek to establish horizontal as well as sector-specific disciplines. The third part relates to rules on various subject-matters, including investment protection and ISDS, which both the HLWG’s final report and the EU’s negotiating mandate initially envisaged as part of the market access negotiations.
There are two main targets in this area: eliminating customs duties and aligning rules of origin.
While the average rate of customs duties applied by both negotiating parties is rather low, at around 5%
E.U. and U.S. rules of origin differ in their approach to determining where products have been manufactured. The goal is to align them and facilitate their application, while taking into account the needs of industries and considering the potential scope for cumulation(66) with third countries that have concluded free-trade agreements with both the European Union and the United States.(67) The most recent discussions concerning rules of origin addressed: general provisions, origin procedures and product specific rules.(68)
The services industry accounts for more than 60% of economic activity in both the European Union and the United States,(69) and they are the world’s largest exporters of services. Both sides therefore are keen to obtain greater access to each other’s services sectors, irrespective of the fact that services already account for a considerable share of transatlantic trade, with the European Union being the main services exporter to the United States and
With respect to market access, the objective is twofold: ensuring reciprocal market access at a level corresponding to the highest level of liberalisation bound under existing EU and U.S. free-trade agreements and tackling long-standing market access barriers.(73) The European Union also strives for better market access for professional service providers (mode 4).(74) To this end, the EU’s (revised) services offer contains commitments on market access (using a
The EU’s (revised) offer also includes a so-called “public utilities reservation” that allows Member States to maintain or introduce quantitative limitations and discriminatory measures in relation to public health, public education, and social services as well as the management, collection, purification and distribution of water, thereby granting them full discretion in organising and regulating the provision of those services.(76) This “carve-out” for public services corresponds to a joint statement on public services made by Trade Commissioner
Negotiations address the domestic regulation of services because of its pervasive effect on services trade.(79) In this respect, one objective is to elaborate on existing multilateral disciplines under GATS, in particular regarding licensing requirements and procedures so as to ensure a transparent, objective and expeditious treatment of applications.(80) The other objective consists of devising disciplines on domestic regulation in particular services sectors, including telecoms, e-commerce, financial services, postal and courier services.(81) Moreover, both parties attempt to come up with rules for the mutual recognition of professional qualification requirements.(82)
In this context, it is interesting to note that the European Union and the United States are also major proponents of the plurilateral TiSA negotiations which run in parallel to the TTIP negotiations. The former negotiations also aim for an ambitious outcome in terms of market access, reflecting the actual level of existing liberalization, and enhanced disciplines on domestic regulation.(83) Yet the initial market access offers submitted by TiSA negotiating parties seem to have been rather disappointing compared to the officially stated goal, and even the revised market access offers, while constituting an improvement, do not seem to meet the initial expectation.(84) In contrast, TiSA negotiating parties appear to have made more headway on disciplines for domestic regulation.(85) It is recalled that TiSA negotiating parties seek to conclude their negotiations by the end of 2016.(86)
Next to services, market access in public procurement holds the biggest potential for new economic opportunities. This potential stems from the fact that public procurement stands for a very sizeable portion of GDP both in the European Union and the United States, and their respective market access commitments in the framework of the revised Government Procurement Agreement of the WTO leave room for some (significant) improvement.(87) It is not surprising, therefore, that the European Union strongly insists on getting better access to the U.S. public procurement market, especially at the sub-federal level, by addressing the various restrictions and exceptions that are in place in this area.(88)
As effective access to the public procurement market hinges on transparency, a further necessary condition for the European Union is increased transparency of public procurement opportunities in the United States which lack a single central electronic publication medium.(89) However, negotiations on market access in public procurement seem to have run into difficulties.(90) Whether these difficulties can be overcome is an open question, given the constitutional constraints of the U.S. government in influencing government procurement policies at the sub-federal level.(91)
The second part of the intended TTIP agreement would consist of two sections: one section would contain horizontal chapters, whereas the other section would comprise nine sector specific chapters.(92) Both the horizontal and the sectoral chapters pursue the overarching objective of establishing principles for closer cooperation between regulatory authorities on both sides of the Atlantic, including in an international context, and greater compatibility of regulations adopted by both parties.(93) But neither closer regulatory cooperation nor greater regulatory compatibility is supposed to negate or undermine either side’s right to regulate or set the level of protection it deems appropriate.(94)
It is assumed that closer regulatory cooperation and greater regulatory compatibility would: (i) render the process of adopting regulations more transparent, while taking the interests of the other side and interested parties into account, (ii) minimize unnecessary regulatory differences and lead to more effective and better regulation, (iii) reduce compliance costs for the economic operators affected by those regulations, (iv) allow for greater competition and exploitation of economies of scale and scope, and (v) ultimately raise the quality of goods and services.(95)
The horizontal section would comprise three (or four) chapters: a chapter on good regulatory practices and regulatory cooperation (which could possibly be split into two chapters), a chapter on TBT and a chapter on SPS measures.(96) The first chapter would establish principles on good regulatory practices which are meant to promote good governance in the regulatory process by strengthening transparency, predictability and accountability, including through prior information on planned regulatory measures, consultation with stakeholders and the public, and
Moreover, the first (or second) chapter would set forth rules on how regulators should cooperate, including through exchange of information and a commitment to assess the regulatory measures proposed by the other side as to their merits.(99)Furthermore, the European Union proposes that the chapter on regulatory cooperation should include an institutional mechanism, such as a regulatory cooperation body, which would be composed of representatives of EU and U.S. regulatory authorities and act as a forum for exchange and the setting of priorities but without decision-making power.(100) Importantly, the chapter(s) on good regulatory practices and regulatory cooperation would not be subject to the dispute settlement system of the intended TTIP agreement.(101) The European Union and the United States have consolidated their respective texts on both good regulatory practices and regulatory cooperation, but so far their positions seem to be closer on the former issue.(102)
The second and third chapters would set out commitments on TBT and SPS measures, building on, but going beyond, the corresponding multilateral trade agreements in Annex 1 A to the WTO Agreement.(103) In the area of TBT, different conformity assessment procedures and standards in the European Union and the United States are major obstacles in transatlantic trade. Accordingly, the European Union seeks to eliminate or reduce duplicative or overly burdensome conformity assessment procedures, ease the use of international standards in transatlantic trade, increase cooperation between standard-setting bodies in the European Union and the United States when developing new standards, and ensure easy access to information on technical regulations and standards applied in both the European Union and the United States.(104) These issues continue to dominate the negotiations in this particular area.(105)
As regards SPS measures, the verification, certification and approval procedures applied in the United States are deemed rather stringent by the European Union. The European Union would like to improve the speed, predictability and transparency of those procedures, by establishing a single approval procedure for all EU exports, and ensuring that the equivalence of EU and U.S. testing procedures and inspections is recognised.(106) Also, regulatory cooperation on SPS measures should play a key role. The European Union strongly insists that the SPS chapter of TTIP will not result in a lowering of EU food safety rules or a modification of the authorisation process for the growing and selling of genetically modified plants required under EU rules.(107) Moreover, the European Union affirms that the SPS chapter should contain animal welfare provisions.(108) Discussions on verification and certification procedures as well as the institutional aspects of the SPS chapter appear to be the least sensitive.(109)
The sector-specific section would comprise nine chapters on the following industries: (i) chemicals, (ii) cosmetics, (iii) engineering products, (iv) information and communication technologies, (v) medical devices, (vi) pesticides, (vii) pharmaceuticals, (viii) textiles, and (ix) vehicles.(110) These chapters would include rules on regulatory cooperation and regulatory compatibility specifically addressing those issues that are relevant to the industries concerned.(111)
As in the case of the horizontal chapters, the sector-specific chapters are not an invention but form part of other free-trade agreements, for example those concluded by the European Union in the last couple of years.(112) So far, there seems to be good progress in the negotiations regarding chemicals, medical devices, pharmaceuticals, textiles and vehicles, whereas less progress has been achieved in the other four sectors.(113)
As previously pointed out, the rules part of TTIP would encompass several matters, most notably investment protection and ISDS. The inclusion of “investment” in the name of the intended transatlantic agreement provides an indication of the importance of investment protection and ISDS for the transatlantic economic relationship.(114) In this respect, it must be noted that “investment protection” forms part of “investment”, rather than being a self-standing issue, in the most recent free-trade agreements of the European Union, namely CETA and the EU-Vietnam FTA.(115) This might be the same for TTIP: according to the EU proposal, investment protection and ISDS would be a component of the chapter on investment which, in turn, would belong to the title on trade in services, investment and e-commerce.(116)Nonetheless, in its information to the public on TTIP, the European Commission treats investment protection and ISDS as if it were a self-standing chapter of the rules part.(117)
Irrespective of the exact location of investment protection and ISDS within the TTIP architecture, the European Union suspended negotiations on this particular issue at the end of 2013 and launched a consultation process with its Member States and their national parliaments, the European Parliament and the public.(118) This decision was a result of growing unease within the European Union on the effect that arbitration proceedings, and ensuing awards, in investor-to-state disputes under bilateral investment treaties - and by extension under similar rules in TTIP - could have on the right to regulate,(119) notwithstanding the fact that ISDS is a traditional feature of more than 1400 bilateral investment treaties that EU Member States have concluded in the past.(120) The consultation process raised a number of questions as to how the current system of investment protection and ISDS could be reformed in order to address the concerns in this respect.
As a result of the consultation process, the Commission presented a draft proposal to the Council and the European Parliament which was published in September 2015.(121) The proposal relates to both investment protection as well as ISDS. As regards investment protection, the proposal is moderately reformist, since the standards of protection set out in the proposal are mostly traditional ones.(122) But these standards are more clearly defined than has been the case so far, account being taken of prior case law in this area; this is especially true for the standards of “fair and equitable treatment” as well as “expropriation.”(123) What is truly new, however, is a provision that safeguards parties’ right to regulate in the public interest and, as a corollary, the right to change the existing legal and regulatory framework, even if such a change negatively affects investors’ expectations of profit.(124) Also, the proposal envisages a provision that exempts EU rules on state aid from the standards of protection so that the latter do not constitute a hindrance to enforcing the EU rules on state aid.(125) A quick comparison of the standards of protection, as set out in the EU proposal, with the standards of protection provided for in TPP chapter 9 on investment shows that they largely correspond to each other, notwithstanding certain differences.
The EU proposal is much more radical with respect to ISDS in that it completely abandons the present system of
The Investment Tribunal would be composed of 15 judges, three of whom would be randomly assigned to a particular case.(128) Importantly, the Investment Tribunal would not be empowered to order the repeal, cessation or modification of the treatment found to be in breach of an applicable standard of protection.(129) Moreover, the disputing party’s domestic law would not be part of the applicable law, and the Investment Tribunal would not have jurisdiction to determine the legality of a challenged measure under the disputing party’s domestic law.(130) Where the Investment Tribunal would have to ascertain the meaning of the disputing party’s domestic law as a matter of
The Appeal Tribunal would be composed of six judges, of whom three, assigned at random, would sit to hear an appeal.(133) The grounds for appeal would be limited to: (i) errors of the Investment Tribunal in interpreting or applying the applicable law, (ii) manifest errors of the Investment Tribunal in appreciating the facts, including the appreciation of relevant domestic law, and (iii) those provided for in Article 52 of the ICSID Convention, in so far as they are not covered by the aforementioned two grounds of appeal.(134) The judges of the Investment Tribunal and the Appeal Tribunal would have to comply with ethical rules as well as a code of conduct.(135)
Apart from the foregoing features, the EU proposal also seeks to introduce other reforms to the way investment dispute settlement proceedings are conducted, amongst others by proposing a ban on forum shopping, full transparency of investment dispute proceedings, early dismissal of unfounded claims, intervention by third parties and the “loser pays” principle.(136) These proposed reforms are similar to new features found in TPP chapter 9 on investment.
Negotiations on investment protection and ISDS resumed in February 2016; during the twelfth round of negotiations, discussions focused on comparing the textual proposals of both sides with a view to identifying those areas that need further substantive discussions as well as those areas where there is convergence.(137) Discussions then continued during the thirteenth and fourteenth rounds of negotiations, and some progress has been made towards consolidating text on standards of treatment.(138) The United States asked detailed questions about the Investment Court system proposed by the European Union, especially the policy rationale behind the proposal and how the proposed system would function.(139)
An interesting - and by no means hypothetical - question is whether the Court of Justice of the European Union would consider the Investment Court System proposed by the European Union to be compatible with EU primary law. The Court of Justice has already been asked on several occasions (140) to consider whether a system of judicial protection established under an international agreement to be concluded by the European Union, would be in conformity with the EU Treaties. The Court of Justice has ruled on this issue most recently in relation to the planned accession of the Union to the European Convention on Human Rights. In its opinion, the Court of Justice acknowledged that the Union’s competence to conclude international agreements “necessarily entail[s] the power to submit to the decisions of a court which is created or designated by such agreements as regards the interpretation and application of their provisions.”(141) However, the Court of Justice held that there must be “no adverse effect on the autonomy of the EU legal order.”(142) and any decision by such a court “must not have the effect of binding the EU and its institutions, in the exercise of their internal powers, to a particular interpretation of the rules of EU law.”(143) It would seem that these requirements are met as regards the investment dispute settlement system proposed by the European Union, since EU law would not constitute applicable law for purposes of investment dispute resolution proceedings,(144) the Investment Tribunal would not have jurisdiction to determine the legality of a challenged measure under Union law,(145) and the meaning given to Union law by that Tribunal would not be binding on the EU courts or authorities.
The question whether TTIP would fall within the exclusive competence of the European Union, or whether the competence for concluding TTIP is shared between the European Union, on the one hand, and its Member States, on the other, is of highly practical relevance. If the latter was the case, then TTIP would have to be ratified by all Member States, which means that each and every EU Member State would have an effective veto power over TTIP’s ratification. This is relevant because the mood in some Member States, for instance Belgium, France and Germany, is such that ratification by their national parliaments is all but ensured.
At first, the issue does not seem to be very difficult to determine. The common commercial policy falls within the
However, the European Union also has exclusive competence for the conclusion of an international agreement when its conclusion is provided for in a legislative act of the Union, or is necessary to enable the Union to exercise its internal competence, or insofar as its conclusion may affect common rules or alter their scope.(150) The last option in particular could be relevant as regards commitments on transport services under TTIP. But the Court of Justice has already held that any distortions in the flow of (transport) services in the internal market which might arise from international commitments on (transport) services do not in themselves affect the common Union rules on (transport) services and are thus not capable of establishing an (exclusive) external Union competence.(151) The same rationale should apply to TTIP.
In addition, there is a second caveat which relates to the area of administrative cooperation, including the cooperation between Member States’ regulatory authorities. In this area, the competence is not even shared between the European Union and its Member States. Rather, the European Union may only “carry out actions to support, coordinate or supplement the actions of Member States.”(152) In particular, the European Union is not empowered to adopt measures in the area of administrative cooperation that would lead to a “harmonisation of the laws and regulations of the Member States.”(153) This is relevant when it comes to the common commercial policy; although the Union’s competence in this area is exclusive, it is explicitly restricted in that it “shall not lead to harmonisation of legislative or regulatory provisions of the Member States in so far as the Treaties exclude such harmonisation.”(154) Yet TTIP’s horizontal chapter on regulatory cooperation and its sector-specific chapters would commit regulatory authorities to pursue a common approach to the process of designing and developing regulatory measures. One might counter that this commitment would not be subject to dispute settlement under TTIP, according to the EU proposal. But this objection would miss the point; the commitment retains a legal nature, nonetheless. Given that international agreements concluded by the European Union are binding on the EU institutions and EU Member States,(155) TTIP would lead to a harmonization of the laws and regulations of Member States regarding the regulatory cooperation to be undertaken by their regulatory authorities.(156) This would not be compatible with Article 207(6) TFEU read in conjunction with Article 197(2) TFEU.
In conclusion, it is argued that the European Union does not have an exclusive competence for TTIP. Consequently, TTIP would have to be ratified as a “mixed agreement” by both the European Union and its Member States.(157) This may complicate the process, possibly to the point where the ratification of TTIP is seriously at risk of being rejected by some Member States.
TTIP would have a severe impact on the multilateral trading system, and this impact would be amplified further if TPP also entered into force. TTIP would certainly not mean that the European Union or the United States would abandon the multilateral trading system, but the latter would be relegated to second place, at least in practical terms. Similar to TPP, where accession is a possibility, albeit a distant one for the moment, for countries that belong to the Trans-Pacific region, TTIP would be open for accession,(158) which may be particularly relevant for Switzerland,(159) thereby making its “plurilateralisation” through enlargement a possibility.(160)
The impact on developing countries would conceivably be even harsher. In contrast to other developed countries, such as Australia, Canada, New Zealand and South Korea, which intend to negotiate or have already negotiated free-trade agreements with the European Union that incorporate obligations similar to TPP or TTIP, developing countries are either not (yet) in a position or not (yet) willing to negotiate such far reaching agreements. The Economic Partnership Agreements concluded or negotiated by the European Union with several ACP regional groups are not a substitute in this respect.(161) This is particularly true for LDCs; while their goods enjoy duty-free, quota-free access to the EU market and, albeit to a more limited extent, the U.S. market, it will prove exceedingly difficult for them to meet the technical regulations and standards that will shape the transatlantic market or engage in the kind of regulatory cooperation envisaged by the two parties.(162) They are likely to be further marginalized as regards trade with the European Union and the United States.
At this juncture, it is uncertain whether the TTIP negotiations will be concluded by the end of this year. If not, it could mean that TTIP will never see the light of day; this may depend also on who will become the next U.S. President. But even if the TTIP negotiations will be concluded (one day), it is far from guaranteed that it will get the necessary approval from all Member States. This author takes the view that they, too, have to ratify TTIP; the issue of whether TTIP is a “mixed agreement” will almost certainly be referred to the Court of Justice for its - legally binding - opinion.(163)
TTIP would be a watershed for the multilateral trading system, just as TPP. It risks undermining this system and its pre-eminent institution, the WTO, as the European Union and the United States would attempt to create “a more integrated transatlantic marketplace.”(164) They would probably spend considerably less time on multilateral trade issues. This is all the more true if TPP enters into force. TPP parties, including the United States, would also try to build a more integrated transpacific marketplace. This would put the European Union under more pressure to conclude free-trade agreements with those TPP parties with whom it does not yet have such agreements, especially Australia and New Zealand, thereby even further distracting the European Union from the multilateral trading system.
To answer the question posed by the title of this article: TTIP is a golden opportunity to build a transatlantic marketplace, but this opportunity comes with a hefty price tag. Only the future will tell whether that price is worth paying.
European Commission, Conclusion of the 13th TTIP Negotiation Round 29 April 2016, Statement by Ignacio Garcia Bercero, EU Chief Negotiator for TTIP,
On ITA 2,
The Ministerial Declaration of the WTO Ministerial Conference in Nairobi notes: “We recognize that many Members reaffirm the Doha Development Agenda … and reaffirm their full commitment to conclude the DDA on that basis. Other Members do not reaffirm the Doha mandates, as they believe new approaches are necessary to achieve meaningful outcomes in multilateral negotiations. Members have different views on how to address the negotiations.” WTO, Nairobi Ministerial Declaration of 19 December 2015, WT/MIN(15)/DEC, para. 30, (Dec. 21, 2015),
Cecilia Malmström,
OECD, 2016 Ministerial Council Statement,
See the information on CETA available on the Commission’s website
Memorandum of the European Commission,
Press Release, Karel De Gucht, Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) - Solving the Regulatory Puzzle (Speech/13/801, Oct. 10, 2013),
Hendrik Kafsack,
See the preliminary analysis by Jim Rollo, Max Mendez Parra & Sarah Ollerenshaw,
European Commission’s Memorandum (Feb. 13, 2013),
High Level Working Group on Jobs and Growth, Final Report (Feb. 11, 2013), 1,
European Commission’s Memorandum (Feb. 13, 2013),
European Commission,
Joe Biden,
“The TPP means that America will write the rules of the road in the 21st century. When it comes to Asia … the rulebook is up for grabs. And if we don’t pass this agreement - if America doesn’t write those rules - then countries like China will. And that would only threaten American jobs and workers and undermine American leadership around the world”, quoted in:
European Commission’s Memorandum (Jun. 14, 2013),
Council of the EU,
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European Commission,
European Commission’s Memorandum (Jun. 14, 2013),
European Commission,
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The term “cumulation” refers to those rules of origin that allow components from and processing in certain third countries to be considered for the acquisition or maintenance of preferential origin (definition according to the customs glossary of European Commission’s DG TAXUD,
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Joint Statement on Public Services, Mar. 20, 2015,
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Memorandum of the European Commission,
European Commission,
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Council of the EU,
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European Commission,
European Commission,
European Commission,
European Commission,
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Statement by EU Chief Negotiator for TTIP, 29 April 2016,
European Commission,
European Commission,
Commission,
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European Commission,
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European Commission,
European Commission,
These include CETA,
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Sections D and F of CETA chapter 8 on investment contain rules on investment protection and the resolution of investment disputes between investors and states, respectively (the CETA text is available at
European Commission,
European Commission,
Press Release, European Commission,
European Commission,
European Commission,
EU Proposal,
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Opinion 2/13,
TFEU art. 3(1)(e).
Opinion 1/08, EUR-Lex 62008CV0001 (Nov. 30, 2009), para. 164.
TFEU art. 3(2). This provision is also applicable to areas where the competence is, in principle, shared between the Union and its Member States because of its overriding character, Christian Pitschas,
Case C-476/98, Commission v. Germany, 2002 E.C.R. I-9855. para. 111 (referring to Opinion 1/94, EUR-Lex 61994CV0001 (Nov. 15, 1994), paras. 78 and 79).
TFEU art. 6(g).
Christian Pitschas,
This was acknowledged by Karel De Gucht,
The EU Proposal for Institutional, General and Final Provisions provides in article X.17 that TTIP “is open to accession by non-Parties possessing full autonomy in the conduct of their external commercial relations and of the other matters provided for in this Agreement as the Parties may agree”,
Malmström,
Note that the European Commission has requested an opinion from the Court of Justice on whether the free-trade agreement with Singapore falls within the exclusive competence of the Union,
HLWG,