A cultural syndicate of society and NGOs challenges to deter child labour manipulation in Addis Ababa
| 07 apr 2022
Article Category: Original Research
Pubblicato online: 07 apr 2022
Pagine: 285 - 300
Ricevuto: 30 nov 2021
Accettato: 15 feb 2022
DOI: https://doi.org/10.34763/jmotherandchild.20212504.d-21-00032
Parole chiave
© 2022 Naina Kumar, published by Sciendo
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
According to the International Labour Organization (2016), one-fifth of African children have been involved in hazardous child labour tasks, a proportion that is more than twice as high as in any other region. Nine percent of African children are involved in hazardous work, which is the highest rate of any region in the world [11, 33]. Poverty, insufficient welfare provision, poor governance, frequent wars and conflicts, and a lack of societal awareness about child abuse and related problems are the major contributing factors that aggravate abusive labour for children [32].
Agriculture employs 70% of the working population aged 5–15 (34.8%), while industry employs the remaining 30% (21.6 %) [10]. The vast majority of child labour in the sector is unpaid, and children who work in child labour do not have a job contract with a third-party employer, but rather work on family farms and family businesses [6, 10].
Recently, the ILO has used a variety of strategies to prevent widespread abuse of child labour [15]. Although not applicable to some developing countries, the International Labour Organization (ILO) has designed a publicly available and practical strategic database called the Country Dashboard, based on national child labour laws and policies [15]. The ILO [15] argued that the country's dashboard database would begin assessing the application of the ILO's State Enterprise Convention on Children's Rights to Productive Work. Currently, some companies are using this database in their operating systems, and by analysing it, they are formulating assessments of dangerous work activity according to ILO standards [15]. The ILO has also developed a global framework for solving child labour problems. Some state-owned enterprises in some developing and developed countries are obliged to sign these GFAs (Global Framework Agreements), which indicate that the ILO is responsible for child labour and abusive labour obligations. It requires respect and compliance with the labour law norms approved by treaties and laws [17].
Ethiopia is Africa's second-most populous country, with a population of approximately 110 million people in 2019 [4]. Despite impressive economic development, many people in the country remain impoverished [31]. According to Dammert and Galdo [13], 52.9% of Ethiopians are children under the age of 18; among them are 5.5 million orphans and those involved in abusive work experiences. Even though Ethiopia was a founding member of the League of Nations, it is not in compliance with the proclamation strengthening child rights and protection that was recently approved, proclamation number 10/1992 [1, 25]. Articles 4.1, 89.1, 89.2, and 89.3 of Labour Proclamation 1156/2019 (29) state that the average age requirement for employment is 18. Articles 89.3, 89.4, and 186.1 of Labour Proclamation 1156/2019 cover currently banned Occupations for Young Employees [14].
In 2019, the parliament adopted the proclamation of civil society organizations, which replaced a 2009 constitutional provision that restricted the operations of organizations working on child and forced labour challenges in Ethiopia [2, 27]. The 2019 proclamation, which formally repealed the NGOs Charities Proclamation of 2009, dramatically opened up Ethiopia's civic space. Although the government took part in and enforces several anti–child labour programs, these programs would not adequately target sectors with high rates of child labour, such as agriculture and domestic work [27].
As a result, the 2019 proclamation classified nongovernmental organizations and administrative roles into three types [2, 8, 27]: (1) Ethiopian charities and societies which have Ethiopian citizen members and administrators, as well as budgets that are at least 90% locally sourced money; (2) Ethiopian resident charities and societies which have members who live in Ethiopia, but budgets containing more than 10% foreign-sourced money, and (3) Foreign charities and societies formed under foreign laws, employing foreign staff, controlled by foreign nationals, and receiving significant overseas funds.
Among these NGOs, this study included Future Hopes Integrated Development Organization (FHIDO) and Sheger Child and Family Development Charitable Organization, both of which are located in the Addis Ababa city administration's most impoverished sub-cities, Gullele and Addis Ketema, where residents lack the resources and income to live a decent life and the majority of residents live in extreme poverty [5]. As a result, many of their children are engaged in traditional weaving and pottery activities, selling firewood or small goods, and engaging in daily labour.
There are various studies conducted concerning child labour impacts and determinant factors across the globe. Related to research conducted by Ahad and colleagues and Jalili Moayad and colleagues [3, 20], which asserted that child labour is highly correlated with stunting, malnutrition, and wasting, Rusavy and colleagues [30] also asserted that the labour could cause delays in children’s genital development and impose shorter stature. Concerning child labour abuse and work-related illness or injuries, the study of Ahad and colleagues [3] shows that there was a significant correlation between the number of working hours by children and the probability of illness or physical injuries. The findings revealed that the children mostly faced backache problems and other health deterioration such as burns and lung diseases. Hosseinverdi and colleagues [19] also reported that child labour is significantly associated with a mental and behavioral disorders, which in turn finally led them to psychosocial difficulties. Despite their positive insights, many child labour–focused studies provide little emphasis on the cultural difficulties of NGOs in addressing children’s issues.
In the areas where this study was focused, most residents (Addis-Ketema and Gullele sub-cities) do not have a regular source of income. For many of them, this means that their children are engaged in several labour activities. The researcher was motivated by his own experience as well as by a request from the directorate of children and women in the Gullele and Arada sub-cities. Children's and women's issues in the study areas confirmed the SCFDS and FHIDO's pivotal roles, but their concern was that the chosen organization had been in the area for over thirty years but had been unable to achieve the desired results. Still, the problem of child labour abuse (CLA) has become prevalent in the two sub-cities. Meanwhile, the question was, while they, of course, have various mechanisms and methods to end CLA, what are the obstacles they face in carrying out their operations, and what are the hidden challenges behind their mission? Furthermore, the woredas’ departments of children and women's affairs and the researcher believe that this research could be a way for us to work together to solve the problem. This study attempted to examine the existing trends of child labour abuse and to identify the societal and cultural challenges that the FHIDO and SCFDS organizations face while working on the issue by taking into account the need for exceptional attention to the problem in the study areas. Furthermore, in the community where this research was conducted, little is known about the difficulty of abusive child labour and its impact on children and the community. Therefore, an examination of NGOs' roles in mitigating child labour abuse and sociocultural triggering reasons or implications was needed to enhance community awareness. The following research questions were raised in this study:
What are the current trends in child labour abuse in the study areas? (With this theme, the researcher attempted to answer how self-actualisation, poverty, and the need for family contribution exacerbate the problem of child exploitation.)
What are the difficulties that FHIDO and SCFDS NGOs face in addressing the issue of child labour exploitation?
The study design used was a cross-sectional research design. Since this research aims to examine the sociocultural challenges of selected NGOs and their role in mitigating CLA, the researchers used a cross-sectional design to assess the depth of understanding of children, parents/guardians, and child experts within a specified time [22]. The data was gathered at a single point in time using carefully chosen informants from the target demographics [35]. This study used a qualitative approach to assess the livelihood or lived experience and the existing situations or trends of children who are aged 5–17 and engaged in weaving, pottery organizations, Woyala (assistant drivers), child car-repairers and washers, and so on, which are considered the most exploitive activities [7]. The sociocultural challenges of FHIDO and SCFDS while working on the problem were also investigated using this study design through detailing the lived experiences of the parents/guardians of children and child experts in the chosen organization who know the situation or the problem very well [12, 34].
Purposive (judgmental) sampling was used in this study. In this sampling technique, the researcher decides what he or she wants to learn and then goes out to find key informants who are eager to share information because of their expertise and knowledge [16]. The purposive sampling method used in this research was intended for key informants, in-depth interviews, and focus-group discussions. The primary informants in this research are local community elders or people who have been in the area for more than a year and are well-versed in the issue of child labour abuse. Key informants for this study are responsible personnel who are strongly connected to or work with the selected NGOs. Each of these working children, NGO officers, sub-cities (Kifle Ketema) Woreda administration officers, and officers of the ministry of women and children’s affairs are the key informants. The in-depth interview was particularly designed for people or workers of FHIDO and SCDFC to explore specific methods they utilized to minimize CLA and sociocultural challenges while working on the problem.
In this study, the researcher used the SIMPOC questionnaires developed by ILO (2008). This SIMPOC questionnaire had 126 questions grouped into five parts (PI: Adult survey, PII: household survey, PIII: child survey and interview questions [ages 5–17], PIV: Rapid assessment, and PV: school-based survey). In this case, the researcher selected the qualitative interview questions provided for children found under PIII, and the remaining interview, FGD, and key-informant questions were self-drafted through observation of, and in line with, the societal and cultural sensibilities of the study areas. Accordingly, the number of sample study participants was determined based on the saturation of the information (data) collected, as long as the issues of children's abusive labour tasks and the role and sociocultural challenges that the chosen NGOs faced were concerned. This study purposively selected 8 children, 9 parents/guardians, and 8 NGO participants for the interview. And again, six key informants and one focus-group discussion with eight participants were involved in this study. The interview questions also had a duration of 25 minutes with each student in the form of a one-to-one interview.
An in-depth interview (IDI) was administered to understand the child interviewees' viewpoints about why they are engaged in abusive labour and what kind of labour activity they are engaged in, and to find out the type of support they get from the FHIDO and SCFDS. In this study, the researcher used semi-structured interviews that seemed more like conversations with the informants to understand their views and ideas concerning the problem. The researcher interviewed children involved in abusive labour tasks, NGO personnel working in child departments, and families (community) who are supported by their children. Besides, the participants were asked to reveal their lived experiences of labour engagements. The researcher also contacted staff with expertise concerning children in FHIDO and SCFDS to gain depth of understanding of the challenges they faced while working on the problem, based on their lived experiences in the study areas.
Also, six key informants were included in this study. The key informants that were included in this interview are those local community elders or residents who have lived more than one year in the area and have pretty good knowledge of the issue of CLA. And again, in the key-informant interview, the gender directorates in the sub-cities of Addis Ketema and Gullele, and the NGO personnel in the selected organization, are also included. For this purpose, interview guides are prepared that elicit responses on various aspects related to the specific objectives of the study under investigation.
Another instrument that the researcher used to collect data from the target population was focus-group discussion (FGD). The researcher attempted to conduct one focus-group discussion that comprised eight discussants. The selection of discussants for FGD was made through purposive sampling; the researcher selected discussants who were willing to provide information stemming from their experience and knowledge. The researcher organizing the FGD included those parents or communities who get support and means of subsistence from their young children as the prior inclusion criteria. The second inclusion criteria was that residents should have lived for at least 12 months in Addis Ketema, Kifle Ketema, and Gullele, where FHIDO and SCDFS are work, which means people who reside in these areas for less than 12 months were excluded. People who have no children, or have no experience of the problem, and or who have mental issues/disorders (identified by medical checkups and with the help of the institution's nurses) are not to be included in the FGD.
Due to the hideous corona pandemic, the researcher was not able to conduct focus group discussions with the target groups. However, to achieve the intended quality of data and level of saturation, FGD seems to the researcher to be necessary. The FGD was held through WHO prevention mechanisms or requirements. Participants were enjoined to keep their distance, wear masks, and use sanitizers. The researcher also used nonparticipants' observation of the problem. This was carried out through a personal transect walk in the field areas. The nonparticipant observational method magnifies the existing trends of serious child labour abuse without any biases or prejudices about the working conditions and related issues/hazards while they are at work with employers, who may be their relatives or families. The researcher observed how they are engaged in abusive work activities (pottery, Woyala, selling firewood, selling small goods, and so on) and the NGO welfare services provided for children 5–17 years old.
Data collection began with a formal letter of request written by the Sociology Department at the University of Gondar to the FHIDO and SCFDS. After gaining approval, eligible participants were identified based on the study's inclusion and exclusion criteria and asked if they would be willing to provide information about the issue under investigation. Before that, the researcher gave a brief explanation of the study's purpose and the issue of confidentiality. Before getting involved in data collection, the researcher provided orientation to assistant data collectors on how to handle the required interviews, and how to manage focus-group discussions. The respondents, especially the children, were informed that they could disagree to participate without their willingness to reveal the intended information. We also asked of children and parents/guardians permission to include them in the paper; the children and parents who were not willing had the right to not be involved. The researcher gave them each an informed consent form, read it aloud to the informants, and answered their questions about their agreement and other confidentiality issues. After hearing and reading about informed consent, the adult participants or parents/guardians agreed to participate in the informed consent for themselves and their children.
To assure the validity of the data, a pilot study was used to improve the quality of the questions; formats, arrangements, and language were used to enhance the validity of the data. The questionnaire was translated from the English version into Amharic, and it was retrieved back to ensure the relevance of its information. The arrangement of the survey questions was checked, along with the instruments. Also, the researcher assured the validity of data using distinctive technical means. The researcher promoted the quality of the study through formulating a good rapport. Clarifying the objectives of the research to respondents, approaching respondents in friendly ways, and getting trust and respecting the cultural values of the participants were some procedures to improve the trustworthiness of the information. Furthermore, data triangulation is often helpful: we used several techniques for the same method so that one technique's weakness is offset by the other's strength [21]. To address the credibility of the study data triangulation, references to articles from peer-reviewed Scopus/WOS journals were used [7].
The qualitative data collection instruments, such as in-depth interviews, focus-group discussions, and nonparticipant observations, aid the researcher in developing the thematic analytical strategy for this study [24]. The data collected from in-depth and key-informant interviews and FGD were analysed thematically or qualitatively to explore the existing trends of CLA in the study areas and analyse the sociocultural challenges that the selected NGOs face while working on children's problems. Accordingly, the data collected from the study participants were collected using the tape recorder and by taking notes, respectively. However, the data was reviewed through repeatedly reading and listening to the recorded data using a tape-recorder as data collection equipment. Finally, the participant reflects on what they have on their minds using Amharic (the local language), and the researcher transcribes and translates the data from Amharic to English without resigning its content effectively. And then, the generated data was organized through paragraph code or through the use of respective themes that go along with the specific objectives stated to be examined in this study. Themes and sub-themes were used to create a meaningful conclusion that was also coherent and understandable. The study analysed the data into two themes: (1) An examination of current trends in child labour exploitation was held through the three theories (self-actualisations, family contributions, and poverty) that indicate the reason that the children in Addis Abeba's Gullele and Addis-Ketema sub-cities engaged in the abusive workforce. (2) Challenges of the chosen NGOs (FHIDO and SCFDS) were assessed through labeling gender-selective norms and social perception toward child labour and NGOs as a challenge.
Accordingly, to gain a detailed examination of the personal lived experiences of the participants, interpretive phenomenological analysis was used. This is because to understand the depth of experience of children in their prevailing or engaging areas, to make sense of their own experience of child expertise, and to inform parents/guardians of children about the involvement and challenges of FHIDO and SCFDS, a thorough understanding of the personal history of the participants is essential.
The study's findings were examined in light of the specific objectives, and then analysis and interpretation were performed using triangulation, with certain qualitative topics examined independently. This study included 25 participants in in-depth interviews, one focus-group discussion, and six key informants to obtain or gain a thorough understanding of the problem and to address the study's stated objectives.
During the interview, an anonymous participant in the study confirmed that engaging in various types of labour activities makes them quite independent and mature. In the interview, a 17-year-old female child informant confirmed where she worked and how the work she did helped her mature:
Another 15-yearold child participant in the in-depth interview told me that:
17-year-old female in-depth interview participant also argued how the work she performed made her more mature and multidimensional than any of other her friends, and how she carried on her daily labour tasks besides formal education.
Thus, the data shows that most of the sample children, even though they received little money, were satisfied by the things they were doing because it made them mature and dependent on themselves. The psychological independence allows them to sense or ignore the need for further assistance, leading them to the conclusion that they can earn their own pocket money without the help of their parents. Some psychometric reasons make children engage in the abusive labour force. Besides, of course, some light tasks help children mature and boost their ability to engage with various issues. This study for psychometric reasons found that children in the study areas were actively engaged in hazardous work scenarios because they feared family breakdown and divorce as a result of economic insecurity. Children sometimes were involved in CLA in order to prevent confusion among parents and to recover from deprivation. In addition, the study found that some children surveyed had loneliness and hopelessness due to the emotional negligence of their families. Family affection and lack of affection are both associated with child abuse.
In the interview, the study's child participants revealed that the main reason they engaged in the abusive labour task was to help their families get out of poverty. For example, a 14-year-old assistant driver (
Another garage worker in the interview said,
In the same vein, another 17-year-old child participant (assistant driver) in the interview stated that he was involved in labour tasks to support his family, but this, unfortunately, caused him to be weak in his education. The reflection is as follows:
Similarly, key informants from the chosen NGOs make similar confessions:
In a similar vein, one FGD participant described how her daughter was employed and supported by the chosen NGOs:
Thus, as a result of assisting family business and household chores, the majority of respondents were missing their education and engaged in the abusive labour force. Many children work or participate in CLA because their families require help in providing for their families and contributing to unpaid household labour. Because children frequently see themselves as members of the family unit, the majority of children believe that helping around the house is possible, especially if family survival is at stake.
As the researcher saw the homes of the working children during the fieldwork, the way the children were living was heartbreaking, and one might argue that the youngsters should work to alleviate life in the family to some degree. In other words, labour is required for these youngsters to meet their family's fundamental necessities, especially food. The increasing cost of living is one of the factors contributing to the economic insecurity of working-class parents and impoverished families. Food costs have risen, putting good nutrition for many families out of reach. This issue, either directly or indirectly, compelled youngsters to participate in productive activities to get something valuable in cash or in-kind for themselves and their family’s survival.
The data in Figures 1 to -8 shows children who are engaged in domestic home duties such as fetching water and cleaning the house, and in the public sphere, the children who are working as assistant drivers (Woyala), and car repair. Also, the researcher noticed that the children also worked at the pottery work at the house as well as the Ensera pottery organization. Finally, the researcher observed the children working at the charcoal-supply job utilizing a basic cart.
Figure 1
14- and 16-year-old children working in the garage
Figure 2
Children16 and 17 years old in the street vending
Figure 3
Nine-year-old child working pottery at home
Figure 4
Ten-year-old child carrying out domestic chores
Figure 5
14-year-old child supporting his family at home
Figure 6
A 12-year-old child selling charcoal using a simple cart
Figure 7
Children working on weaving and garage
Figure SEQ Figure \* ARABIC 8
A 14-year-old child engaged in car washing activities
According to the findings of the fieldwork, child labour must be prioritized. In general, a significant percentage of youngsters work in the fields of pottery, household duties, and the garage. In the studied regions, the issue is much too severe. Despite the researcher's preference to concentrate on working children, the majority of youngsters in Gullele and Addis Ketema sub-cities work: carrying commodities, street vending, gathering and selling fuelwood, shoe shining, taxi calls, car washing, working as assistant mechanics in tiny garages, and so forth.
The researcher's observations confirmed this reality about the family environment of child workers. As a result, it is reasonable to conclude that children of impoverished parents are more likely to enter the labour force than children of contented parents. Furthermore, many parents of child labourers were engaged in other economic activities such as gathering firewood, preparing food for sale, and everyday labour to support their families. Worse, they do not get enough money from such jobs to meet at least their children's basic requirements. In terms of the educational backgrounds of the parents of the working children in the study area, the majority of them were illiterates, but they supported their children's education. The hired and self-employed child labourers were living in deplorable conditions, unable to meet their basic needs. Many of the children were unable to eat at least twice a day.
The researcher observed a four-meter-wide-by-nine-meter-long room in Gulele sub-city Woreda 07, near Kechene, that functioned as a place to live and work for about 37 family members, including child labourers. Another issue I saw among the Kechene child labourers was a lack of water and light. Working children who live far away from their parents live in desperation. Aside from their terrible living conditions, the kind of food they ate was another indication of the young labourers' miserable lives. Child labourers, particularly child weavers, take leftovers, loaves of bread, or bullei (local language) from several local eateries to satisfy their dietary needs.
The study of child experts in-depth interviews, key informants, and one FGD (8 participants) revealed that gender-selective norms that society entertains has an enormous impact on children engaged in abusive labour tasks. For example, one participant from FHIDO claimed,
Another participant from SCFDS, a child expert, supported that:
In this section, the researcher has used the community site program coordinator as a key informant. Despite the aforementioned interviewees, this team leader argued that gender-selective norms are not the major challenge to the SCFDS organization and stated,
And another participant actively working in the department of child education, an officer in FHIDO, tried to make a clear argument through integrating a patriarchal society. The participant said,
The study results regarding gender-selective norms as a challenge, therefore, revealed that the selected two organizations are now being highly challenged to bring an end to child labour abuse in the area due to societal gender favoritism. The cultural and societal expectations of males and females, however, make the problem rampant and prevalent in their residing areas. Even though they have worked through the outlining of various strategic measures, the participants from FHIDO and SCFDS claimed that these abusive cultural norms mean that the organizations the do not work to mitigate the gender gap in engagement in abusive child labour tasks.
The result of this study asserted this limited perception as a major difficulty for NGOs working with the community openly. For example, the first child officer participant in FHIDO and
SCFDS argued,
Despite the facts detailed by the previous interviewees, another participant from FHIDO claimed:
Another key-informant child and women or gender directorate from Woreda 07, claimed that parents/guardians involved in the community consultations reflected that they never go to school to follow up on their children's progress unless they are called. Whenever children drop school and parents are called to the school administration, they report that they are unable to influence them to attend education. This lack of belongingness, commitment, and interest on the part of parents in children’s education mainly stems from their low level of awareness of the importance of education and their poverty level. The major problems identified as facing children in their low education performance are as follows: (1) Low awareness of family/guardian of children's education, absence of follow up, unwillingness to send children to school for club participation and library reading; family workload on children; (2) Unfriendly school environment, playgrounds (dusty, rough, scarce play materials, absence of recreational site), unfulfilled gender club, no water access for toilets, fence, uncomfortable laboratory, and pedagogical center, (3) students’ poverty (family unable to cover basic needs of clothing and food, school materials for their children); and (4) high dropout and repetition rate in schools and presence of out-of-school children in the target operational area (key-informant interview).
The participant in the FGD said that the reluctance from society is not the major problem; rather, the misunderstanding between the society and the organization aggravate the problem immensely. Their argument is as follows:
As a result, the study in this section implied that societal perceptions of child labour abuse and the role of NGOs are limited. However, due to a lack of societal awareness, these selected NGOs lost millions of dollars. Although organizations provide educational vocational training all year, there is a lack of expertise to educate the community on how the training is implemented in the real world.
The goal of this research was to look into the current trends of child labour abuse in the Addis Ketema and Gullele sub-cities, as well as to address the sociocultural barriers that impede the organization's intentions. The study involves two domestic NGOs and children supported by these organizations, FHIDO and SCFDS. To gain a thorough understanding of the subject under investigation, the researcher employs a qualitative data collection approach (FGD, in-depth interviews, key informants interviews, and nonparticipant observations). The research's main findings are thus discussed in this chapter following its specific goal and theoretical framework.
To investigate the existing trends of child labour abuse in the research area, qualitative (thematic analysis via in-depth and key informant interviews and focus groups, observation) approaches were used. It was discovered that the children in the study were involved in hazardous work activities as a result of their family background (dynamics), poverty, and self-actualisation to contribute to the well-being of the family. The result has also shown that salaries of children from their jobs is low but that children were satisfied by the things they are doing because it makes them mature and independent. These research findings are somewhat similar to those of Heissler and Porter [18]. They discovered that exceptions are influenced by household characteristics, but are primarily driven by intergenerational interdependence. Furthermore, such exceptional cases are not coincidental; a child's work is affected by poverty and changing family circumstances. In the same vein, the findings are remarkably comparable to Rowan’s [29] conceerning self-actualisation. Rowan [29] dictates that dependence can be psychological or economic. In terms of financial independence, children want to find ways to escape their family's poverty. As a result, people in some industries are forced to accept exploitative labour. Because of their psychological independence, they can detect or ignore the need for additional assistance, leading them to believe that they can earn their own pocket money without their parents' assistance [26, 28]. According to research on children's contributions to the household economy in Ethiopia, participating in paid job activities gives children pride in themselves and helps to build children's sense of their human and psychological abilities [18].
Many youngsters work or participate in CLA because their families require assistance; these children aid in supporting their families and contribute to unpaid domestic labour. Because children frequently perceive themselves as members of the family unit, the majority of children feel that helping around the house is possible, especially if family survival is at risk. This result is also similar to the findings of Bourdillon as well as Letsie and colleagues and Özaslan [9, 23, 26]. This indicates that, as a result of assisting family business and household chores, the majority of respondents were missing their education and engaged in the abusive labour force.
The researcher has compiled a list of the challenges that the selected NGOs faced while combating child labour abuse, which is primarily related to societal values and norms. The section was thematically analysed, and the researcher contacted some selected child experts who are actively working in FHIDO and SCFDS, as well as key informants from the organizations' community site program coordinators and the Woreda gender directorate, as well as one focus-group discussion with eight participants.
As a result of the study's findings addressing gender-selective norms as a problem, the chosen two organizations are now facing a significant task in putting an end to child labour exploitation in the region owing to social gender preference. The cultural and social expectations of men and women, on the other hand, make the issue ubiquitous in their communities. Despite having worked through the development of different strategic solutions, participants from FHIDO and SCFDS stated that these cultural norms force organizations to disregard or downplay the gender disparity in the participation in abusive child labour activities. The study on social views of NGOs and CLA as a difficulty indicated that public perceptions of child labour exploitation and the role of NGOs are very limited. However, due to a lack of public awareness, these chosen NGOs lost millions of dollars. Even though organizations offer educational vocational training all year, there is a shortage of competence to educate the community on how the training is applied in the actual world. According to the respondents, another difficult factor that encourages and escalates the issue of CLA is the community's reluctance or lack of interest in working with NGOs owing to a negative attitude. This study also indicated that the problem came not just from society's perceived cultural background, but also from the community's or parents'/guardians' lack of interest, and lack of confidence in working with NGOs. In addition, religious misconceptions have a significant impact on CLA supplementation. The interviewees, on the other hand, said that language barriers had little or no impact on the CLA. Although the majority of people in the region have differing origins, they speak the same language and communicate with the organization in Amharic, so the impact is limited. In the same vein, the findings indicated that cultural values related to child development, gender, marriage, religion, and ethnicity may affect children's labour in low-income countries. This could be a barrier for humanitarian workers or NGOs involved in adequately mitigating and addressing the problem. In many cultures, children are expected to follow in their parents' footsteps and learn the trade from an early age. Some cultural beliefs may lead to the mistaken belief that a girl's education is less important than a boy's education, and as a result, girls are forced to work as domestic service providers as children. These gender biases and negative societal norms and beliefs undermine and exacerbate the cross-cultural ethics of children's NGOs in addressing the issue.
This study's findings are subject to some limitations. The child participants were unwilling to describe inflictions or hurts related to the activities they participated in, no matter how heinous they were. Because they are unwilling to express their pain explicitly, this study lacks external validity. As a result, the extent of external validity remains unknown, necessitating additional mixed research involving both qualitative and quantitative approaches. The quantitative study allows for the inclusion of the opinions of several sample children in the study areas to determine the number of hours they work per day, weekly, and monthly, and compare them to the federal working hours limits outlined in conventions and proclamations. Second, comprehensive data and studies were scarce in the study area. Finally, the researcher employed a cross-sectional study design. However, the prevalence rate of child labour abuse and cause and effect relationships were difficult to determine using this study design. A replication of this study with qualitative and quantitative data and significantly larger sample size may thus be extremely beneficial. Furthermore, the findings of this study concerning child labourers have implications for policymakers working with NGOs. The government must help child labourers and their families improve their living conditions by improving the quality of their educational and employment opportunities.
To address the sociocultural difficulties of NGOs in reducing child labour exploitation, the Winrock International (2008) approach of CIRCLE experience with an awareness-raising plan is recommended. The primary target audience of the strategy was impacted or at-risk families, including children. A substantial number of initiatives, however, are targeted at reaching state actors at the central and local levels, especially education and social welfare agencies, as well as local employers. Faith-based and religious organizations, on the other hand, are encouraged to engage in child labour prevention and may be successful in promoting good change. I think this strategy is all-inclusive and compatible with the community, like the areas this research included. Many poor families look at education in terms of how it will support the family in the long term. If children can complete their education cycle and emerge with a set of skills that can facilitate their access to decent work with improved working conditions, this will make the program more appealing to parents, who are the main family decision-makers. However, the organizations or the chosen NGO’s training should include acknowledging that technical skills, while required for employment, are not sufficient in themselves. This research also suggested that the issue stemmed not only from society's perceived cultural context but also from the community's or parents'/guardians' lack of interest and trust in working with organizations or NGOs. However, the chosen organizations should redouble their work to increase community trust in the organization through regular community consultation and feedback sessions.