Dramatic television series are increasingly delving into complex geopolitical themes, from the premediation of a female prime minister in
Connecting all the aforementioned series is a privileged place for landscape and its attendant ideological moorings and symbolic power (see Cosgrove, 1984; Lefebvre, 2007b; Lukinbeal, 2005; Woodward, 2014). Thus, as I argue in this article, television is now emerging as a space for viewing the land as part of national identity production (and consumption) – especially given that “the impact of place and locality in narrative media can be regarded as seminal for the medium's function of communicating culture and negotiating societal discourses” (Eichner & Waade, 2015: 1). As in earlier flurries of landscape production, whether in the form of paintings in the mid-nineteenth century or via film during the twentieth century, the current televisual turn towards landscape serves as an indispensable element of meaning-making in a world in transition. Thus, this intervention provides an original contribution by critically assessing the use of place-based imagery in relation to geopolitics and IR, therein going beyond extant scholarship focused on landscape as a televisual tool that supports character development, visualises the intended mood, and serves other aesthetic ends (cf. McElroy & Noonan, 2019; Hansen & Waade, 2017; Roberts, 2016). As a “repository of meanings and associations”, television series – and especially geopolitical dramas – serve as toolkits “from which people can draw to make sense of innovation and their consequences” in the world around them (Turner et al., 2014: 988).
Keeping with the scope of this special issue, this article focuses on the use of landscape in the Norwegian series
Geopolitics, while a constitutive element of IR, highlights the importance of place and space in determining power relations between states, thus privileging geographic settings and perspectives in relation to political processes (Cohen, 2003). Drawing on literature from popular geopolitics, geocriticism, and visual politics, my analysis examines the ways in which geopolitical codes and visions manifest in television series via the visual rhetoric of screened landscapes. Reflecting on the etymological foundations of the pan-Germanic linguistic concept of “landscape” (i.e., land + shape), I am particularly interested in the ways in which depictions of various “scapes” (Appadurai, 1996) address distinct insecurities associated with Norway's current position in world affairs, as well as contemporary challenges to Norwegian national identity. With this intervention, I expand on Roberts's framework for engaging the “spectator's perception [of the] spaces that constitute what is within and (by negation) what lies beyond the frame” (2016: 367); I do this by linking such gazing to everyday understandings of world politics. Informed by recent work that combines popular cultural production and surveillance studies (Bos, 2018; Dodds, 2011; Zimmer, 2015), I introduce the notion of “scoping” via technological enhancements of the “militarised, machinic eye” (Dyer-Witherford & De Peuter, 2008) as a technique that expands, refines, and (dis)orients the use of landscape in screened interventions (e.g., film, television, videogames, etc.). My approach is also girded by the concept of the “scopic regime”, which was originally identified by Metz (1982: 61) as a specifically cinematic technique which is not about the “distance kept” but more about the “absence of the object seen”, thus unhinging what is seen from its “real” referent (see also Jay, 1988).
Given the medium of analysis (i.e., television), my focus is quite literally on the ways in which the viewer's gaze is concentrated on meaningful spatial imageries via a
While the study of landscape in television series in still in its ascendancy, the importance of landscape in cinema is well established (cf. DeLue & Elkins, 2008; Harper & Rayner, 2010; Lefebvre, 2007b; Mitchell, 2002; Roberts, 2012b). As the foundational element of setting, landscapes – whether those depicting wild spaces bereft of human activity, claustrophobic urban realms overflowing with people, or an idyllic main street in Middle America – inform the motivations of the characters, shape the narrative, and create the mood. As I have discussed elsewhere, the depiction of landscape is never neutral, and typically relies on the viewer's (often jaundiced) geopolitical understanding of place; moreover, “failure to aesthetically produce an intelligible ‘place’ will result in a disconnect that will undermine the final cultural product” (Saunders, 2017: 188). Thus, landscape – in its screened depictions – instrumentalises place (Roberts, 2016), moulding it to the needs of cultural production. In the aesthetic representation of
Following Cohen (2003), I do not simply utilise geopolitics as a synonym for international politics, but instead focus on the ways in which political power is linked to geography, and how spatiality informs the interplay between people, territory, and resources, while also shaping hierarchies, alliances, and rivalries in the world system. As a scholar of IR, I am naturally more interested in the geopolitical implications and instrumentality of landscape in television series, rather than its function vis-à-vis production values or contributions to the international attractiveness of a particular series. Nordic television fiction, and particularly its noir and near-noir forms, is on the bleeding edge of this transformation. The genre has swept the world due to its complex storytelling, flawed characters, aesthetic qualities, and attention to detail, especially when it comes to depictions of place and space. As I argue below, landscapes in Nordic Noir are – in and of themselves – geopolitical interventions. According to the Nordic Noir journalist Annika Pham (personal correspondence, 26 August 2017):
Nature and landscapes [play] a very important role in the success of Nordic noir as the settings are often dramatic, and the threatening elements in the plot are underlined by dark and rainy skies, cold and icy landscapes. Nature in general – in particular in Norway with the deep forests and fjords, and in Iceland with the volcanic bare landscape and glaciers – is hostile to human beings. Men [
Going beyond the artistic merits of landscapes, the choices that showrunners make about how to represent space and place serve specific geopolitical agendas. This should come as no surprise to television scholars. Unlike the vast majority of American and British productions, series from Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Finland, and Iceland tend to receive significant levels of public funding, which comes with the informal stipulation that the content serves the nation in some way. Often this service comes via an ethical quandary or social critique and referred to as “double storytelling”, meant to unsettle the viewer and preclude complacency in the building of a better society (Redvall 2016: 43). Rooted in a culturo-religious traditions associated with northern European polities (e.g., in-group collectivism, modesty, egalitarianism, etc.) and informed by historical social democratic political orientations, such content need not valorise the state; in fact, even the most cursory overview of Nordic Noir will reveal more in the way of criticism than accolades, typically using the crime to unmask governmental or corporate malfeasance. As Mrozewicz (2018: 33) argues, Nordic Noir – drawing on the Scandinavian crime fiction which preceded it – emphasises the state as a “centre of evil”, highlighting the harm it does to “individuals, especially its own citizens”. The genre takes aim at the seemingly “perfect democratic Scandinavian models”, instead depicting them as “cracked mirrors” which reveal and refract a “deeper malaise in society that touches everyone and [thus] appeals to a global audience” (Personal correspondence with Annika Pham, 26 August 2017). Despite receiving public funds, Nordic Noir is not propaganda – far from it. Series such as Iceland's
Landscape – in its original, most orthodox form – is a northern European innovation (cf. Lefebvre, 2007a; Norberg-Schulz, 1996; Roberts, 2016). The term – which brings together the components of the “land” and the idea of “shape” or “constitution” (Olwig, 2004) – is used across all major Germanic languages. Key examples include the Swedish and Norwegian In Irish, we find the derivative term
Emblematic examples of such nation-building landscape paintings include Caspar David Friedrich's A text of 1777 describes Norway as one enormous rock, riven with valleys. This image is accurate, for there is scarcely another country united to such a degree by mountains […] Norwegian spatial structure is as different from the Danish as possible. Here, one lives not in an extensive, open environment but between high walls; and although Norway is larger and more vigorous than its southern sister, it seems smaller because it lacks prospect.
Figure 1
Nordkapp [North Cape] by Peder Balke (1845)

Not surprisingly, Norwegian nationalists frequently turned to “historico-topographical accounts” showcasing their homeland as the “birthplace of giants, with its wintry landscape, hills, rocks, and peaks” to (favourably) cast their “liberty-loving” co-nationals’ characteristics against those of the collectivist, lowland Danes (Elviken, 1931: 370–373). Expounding on what differentiates Norwegians from their Nordic counterparts, Booth (2015: 178) notes that they are “defined by their landscapes to the way that the French are defined by their culture”, particularly in their names which are “connected to the landscape”. This manifests in
Spanning the tundra of Finnmark and Svalbard, the endless fjords of the North Sea Coast, the evergreen forests of upper Telemark, and the lowlands of Østfold, Norway's physical geography provides a multivalent cornucopia of northern spaces to be rendered in artistic representations. As a country that came into being – at least in its current form – little more than 100 years ago (Norway is considered established as a fully sovereign state when its union with Sweden, in place since 1814, dissolved in 1905), Norway is defined by its “natural resources – minerals, fjords, forests, waterfalls” and its “thinly spread communities” (Woolridge, 2013b: para. 2). As a relative latecomer to the western European community of states, Norway has leaned heavily on its land as an argument for why it should also be an independent nation, with “certain landscapes” coming to be
Returning to the theme of landscape, whether we speak of the Aurora Borealis emerging over the Scandes, the thousands of kilometres of rugged coastline, or the human-built environment of Oslo, Norway is bound to its various (mountain-, sea-, city-, etc.) “scapes”. In this structuration, the Norwegian subject or citizen is thus situated as part of a greater natural world, one which includes the earthen, inanimate, and stationary (mountains, valleys, rocks, beaches), elemental spaces of movement and growth (rivers, seas, glaciers, trees, fields), built environments (streets, harbours, cabins, houses, castles, apartment blocks), and mobile creatures (wolves, reindeer, horses, bees, birds, fish, whales, other humans). However, there is a dark and unseen force that stalks this idyllic gestalt – oil. As I explore below, the boon of North Sea petroleum has weighed heavily on Norway's Selbstbild [self image] since the 1960s, metaphorically polluting the hitherto pristine view of Norway as the natural reserve of Europe's far north (see Rees, 2016). Just as the landscape paintings relied on rendered oils to realise the “land-view” as conceived by the artist and gazed upon by the public, today it is hydrocarbon sales that (at least partially) fund the creative industries in Norway, including the televisual output of public and private broadcasters like NRK and TV2. As Roberts (2016) has argued, Nordic Noir television series – particularly in their close and studied screening of the North and “Northernness” – are a post-millennial evolution of landscape's visual rhetoric, one which informs and advances narratives of the nation, especially through television's ability to frame the “Other”. So, by conceiving of television viewing as an “affective act of world-building” that should be viewed a part of the “discursive battlefield of global politics” (Saunders, 2019a), the
Based on an idea by the Norwegian crime novelist Jo Nesbø, and created by Erik Skjoldbjærg and Karianne Lund,
The series revolves around the rise of the Green Party following a devastating hurricane that hits the Scandinavian country, a real-world event that is briefly featured in the programme's opening credits (Hurricane Maria wreaked havoc on the country in 2005). Operating with a clear mandate, the new prime minister, Jesper Berg (Henrik Mestad), enacts a sweeping pro-environment agenda. He begins with the cessation of all fossil-fuel production due to climate change, thus poignantly screening the predicted outcome of
Not surprisingly, the theme of geographical and geopolitical isolation pervades
Figure 2
A view of central Oslo from the Akershus Fortress

Vivid depictions of landscapes proliferate in
Linking greed, resources, and fate, the use of the song presents the viewer with a biting critique of the country's dependence on fossil fuel wealth; this as they are witness to a cascade of images depicting an extreme weather event that destroys homes, endangers citizens, and hobbles the economy, thus laying bare Booth's assertion that “black gold touches every Norwegian's life, pretty much in every way” (2015: 180). Promotional material for the French- and German-language broadcasts of the series made this explicit, with separate images of the main characters, each in profile, framed by a seascape defined by an oil rig, and with the lower halves of their bodies melting into crude (metaphorically “dripping” into and thus polluting the North Sea). In its advertisements, Netflix conspicuously used a grey-scale image of Berg and Djupvik with their lower bodies forming a canvas showing an offshore platform looming over the oceanic horizon; similar promotional imagery accompanied the Australian broadcast of the series (see also Mrozewicz in this issue).
Using genuine footage of storm surge and flooding in Norway, the credits end with an ominous dark grey seascape, obviously intending to provoke a chilling effect – and affect – with the viewer.
Figure 3
Fornebu offices of Statoil qua Norway's seat of power

Interestingly, the counterpoising of these aforementioned sites makes a subtle, yet trenchant invocation of Norwegian territory. In the use of the Statoil building as the ersatz offices of the head-of-government, the showrunners link the Norwegian state to petroleum production, but then quickly pivot to another image wherein global sustainability is in reach via thorium. Named for the Norse god of thunder, and discovered by the amateur mineralogist Hans Morten Thrane Esmark on the island of Løvøya, thorium is framed by The development of the element as a sustainable resource is not particularly outlandish. As the World Nuclear Association (2019) website states: “The use of thorium as a new primary energy source has been a tantalizing prospect for many years. Extracting its latent energy value in a cost-effective manner remains a challenge, and will require considerable R&D investment. This is occurring pre-eminently in China, with modest US support”.
The geopolitical and the geoeconomic are likewise depicted in subsequent scenes, from the attempted assassination of the Russian ambassador within the walls of the Akershus Fortress to the false-flag terror attack on a refining facility supplying continental Europe. As it becomes clear that the Russian Federation “assistance operation” is becoming a permanent proposition, those loyal to a
Regarding the filming locations and scenery, showrunner Erik Skjoldbjærg expressed a desire “to create a universe that would represent a future, yet reference to the past World War” (quoted in Pham, 2015b). The series makes effective use of a colour palette to code geopolitical meaning, especially when it comes to depicting the Russian presence. Ironically, the most central parts of Oslo (i.e., where a tourist is mostly likely to book a hotel or wander about) become dark and foreboding spaces through fanciful camera angles and low lighting, producing the affect of claustrophobia familiar to the regular view of Cold War cinema (cf. Kirchik, 2016a; Shaw, 2007; Van Jelgerhuis, 2015).
When I interviewed him (18 September 2017) about the use of landscape, Skjoldbjærg stated that he began with a dichotomy between
Figure 4
The (fictional) thorium power station

Figure 5
The Russian-Norwegian border

Regarding the last of these examples, the series reflects Nesbø's well-established fascination with Finnmark, and the region's history of occupation (both Axis and Soviet) during World War II. Indeed, the author has taken pains to disabuse critics that
Created by Per-Olav Sørensen, the force behind the internationally successful historical drama
Reflecting its close attention to military affairs,
Poignantly, the main advertisement for the series is a split scene of two “worlds”: the main character Riiser stands in the middle of the frame, but in the background, we see a war-scape of Afghanistan occupying the upper half (orientated rightside-up) with a Norwegian boreal-scape filling the lower half of the scene (turned upside-down) (see Figure 6). Living things connect both spaces, whether in the form of humans or horses. Indeed, steeds against the landscape figure importantly in the series: a pivotal scene involves a buzkashi match in which Riiser and his close friend Jon Petter (Anders Danielsen Lie) vie with their nemesis Sharif Zamani (Atheer Adel) for the glory of carrying a goat carcass across their opponent's field of play, thus linking the soldiers’ Norwegian place-pasts to their Afghan place-presents (see Figure 7).
Figure 6
Promotional image of Nobel with a militarised subject

Figure 7
Norwegians vs. Afghans: Horsemanship across the world

Afghanistan is depicted as martial space at all times, even when moments of fleeting calm define the narrative, thus reifying concerns about Norwegian deployments abroad in service of the country's longtime ally, the US; Washington is the absent presence throughout the series with the sole exception of an interchange with a cabinet official who visits Norway to quietly inquire about the possibility of opening talks with the Taliban. The visual rhetoric of Visual media have long been instrumental in the production of international borders as sites of spectacle. Often far from physical boundaries, these representations of the “geographical imaginations” of Otherness and belonging are germane to our understanding of contemporary nation-building projects.
However, with digital media convergence, the very meaning of “borders” is collapsing upon itself, as suggested both by the series-opening Skype call and the various scopings and scapings of two “worlds” which are inextricably linked through the masculine, militarised body of Riiser. Not insignificantly, Riiser is tricked into killing an Afghan warlord in Norway via a text message from a hacked mobile account which he believes is an order coming from his commanding officer. Additionally, the viewer frequently gazes at the Afghan people from Riiser's perspective, and more specifically through the scope of his sniper's rifle.
As referenced above, these dusty, violent settings are jarringly contrasted against green and grey zones of patriotism, stability, and family as the Riiser family attends a medal ceremony within the gates of thirteenth-century Akershus Fortress. It should be noted that the fortress features quite prominently in both case studies. Having withstood a number of attacks from abroad over its existence, the site/sight supports the visual rhetoric of Norway as a plucky survivor, fiercely independent, even when under foreign rule. Morocco has been labelled “Africa's little Hollywood” (see Morlin-Yron, 2017) for the government's openness to filming, as well as its vistas, which serve as “safe” stand-ins for a variety of locales associated with the greater Middle East (e.g., Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Iraq, Pakistan, etc.).
In his chapter in A rather banal rejoinder to the claim that Scandinavia is the antithesis of the Muslim world came in 2018 when Sweden.Se, the nation's official twitter account declared that the national dish (i.e., Swedish meatballs) was in fact of Turkish origin, sending ultra-right-wing nationalists into a rage.
As the other articles in this special issue attest, Nordic television drama is highly attuned to questions of (geo)politics. Drawing on a tradition that began as a Marxist indictment of the faltering welfare state (cf. Forshaw, 2012; Nestingen & Arvas, 2011; Stougaard-Nielsen, 2017) and which has evolved through different media (including cinema and television series), Nordic Noir has something to say about the state of the world (and the region's place within it). In this article, I have focused on a single aspect of this type of storytelling, namely the visual rhetoric of screened landscapes in two Norwegian near-noir dramas,
Bringing geopolitics into the frame,
Despite their common depictions of Norwegian (and other) landscapes, these two series diverge markedly.
In terms of their production, both series proved to be expensive, high-quality productions that captured large audiences at home and abroad via international distribution platforms such as Netflix and over-the-air broadcasts in a number of countries around Europe. Knitting these together is landscape, which both series use as a narrative tool and as a strategy for making these shows alluring, meaningful, and ultimately successful. The geographer Denis Cosgrove (1984: 35) reminds us: “Landscape is to be judged as a place for living and working in terms of those who actually do live and work there. All landscapes are
Figure 1
![Nordkapp [North Cape] by Peder Balke (1845)Source: Wikimedia Commons](https://sciendo-parsed-data-feed.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/6007297efd113962cb04b092/j_nor-2020-0006_fig_001.jpg?X-Amz-Algorithm=AWS4-HMAC-SHA256&X-Amz-Date=20230401T192934Z&X-Amz-SignedHeaders=host&X-Amz-Expires=18000&X-Amz-Credential=AKIA6AP2G7AKP25APDM2%2F20230401%2Feu-central-1%2Fs3%2Faws4_request&X-Amz-Signature=2d6928ef9ab7eda932047cb9ff281e0d272b2f42c6fa0585f4cbf85f67361401)
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