The belief that journalism is somehow beyond gender power relations stems from a tendency to consider gender differences in terms of a female-male dichotomy, and accordingly, a belief that sexism in media will disappear by changing the gender of agency. In this article, we wish to openly criticise journalism (one of the key institutions of social life; see Acker 1992) as a gendered institution. Here, the term “gendered” means that gender is present in the processes, practices, images and ideologies of journalism – and its power distributions. We regard the relationship between the institution of journalism, culture and gender as a methodologically complex phenomenon.
We first argue that journalism and its relationship to gender can be investigated systematically as a multidimensional object; depending on the specific research focus, varying aspects may be highlighted. Second, we seek to go further by suggesting that the gendered institution of journalism can be seen either as an externally or internally constructed object. Instead of keeping gender and journalism on separate islands, and only brought together externally, we suggest that it is important to highlight the historical and institutional intertwining of journalism and gender.
Based on our own studies, we aim to develop a model that allows journalism to be studied from several perspectives – without losing sight of the fact that these viewpoints cannot be considered in isolation. Entitled The interviewees represented the highest management levels in 11 daily newspapers, six magazines and four television news and current affairs departments.
We start by considering the limitations and possibilities of the two concepts of journalism and gender. We review the research conducted from different perspectives on both concepts, examining it in the context of our own methodological standpoint. After investigating the complex links between the two notions in the context of our original study, we continue to reflect on the different theories of journalism (or “journalisms”) as constructed by our previous study’s research question. Finally, we return to the discussion on the mutual links between journalism and gender, links that can be observed as working both externally and internally.
As a point of departure, we build our theoretical discussion based on the fact that previous studies on journalism have overlooked journalism as a gendered institution – even studies about journalism practices and cultures (see Chambers, Steiner & Fleming 2004; Fröhlich & Lafky 2008; North 2009; Byerly 2011; Hanitzsch & Hanusch 2012). With this point, we do not mean to deny the importance of the studies to which we are indebted (Zoonen 1998a and 1998b; de Bruin & Ross 2004; Djerf-Pierre & Löfgren-Nilsson 2004; Holland 2004; Ross 2004; Melin 2008; Djerf-Pierre 2011; Jenkins & Finneman 2017), rather our desire is to continue the discussion.
For more extensive systematic and comparative analyses of the relationship between journalism and gender, it is important to focus on the socio-historical role of journalism as a gendered institution. The institutional role of journalism has been a mainstay of journalism culture (Hanitzsch 2007; see also Örnebring 2013), and this institutional role has many links to gender. In general, journalism relies on the binary two-gender system upon which the majority of modern societies have built their cultures. From this perspective, we suggest that journalism as an institution is not as gender-neutral as supposed; on the contrary, this viewpoint leads to questions concerning the institutional history of journalism and its role in the formation of gendered citizenship. The study of women’s magazines represents trail-blazing work in this sense because it has highlighted divisions within journalism and politics (Ferguson 1991; Winship 1987; Ballaster et al. 1991; Gough-Yates 2003; Töyry 2005; Ytre-Arne 2011; Saarenmaa & Ruoho 2014).
Djerf-Pierre (2011) and others (e.g., Melin 2008) have pointed out that the institutional core of journalism has closely paralleled the formation of modern societies and their different philosophical-normative traditions, political public spheres, and concepts of democracy (see Christians et al. 2009). For example, in Finland, the formation of the nation-state required political publicity and citizenship building. This process led to a concept of specifically female citizenship to counter the idea of male citizenship, which, in turn, influenced women’s positioning in Finnish journalism culture (Ruoho & Torkkola 2010). This specific culture remains apparent in the way that Finnish journalists think and act, as well as in the specific kinds of journalism they value the most. As a concept, journalism culture thus can be defined “as a particular set of ideas and practices by which journalists, consciously or unconsciously, legitimate their role in society and render their work meaningful for themselves and others” (Hanitzsch 2007: 370).
However, there is no consensus regarding the strength of the bond between journalism as an institution and culture and gender. Indeed, methodological starting points and interpretations are influenced not only by how journalism is understood, but also by our understanding of gender. For example, our ways of interpreting gender have changed significantly since the 1960s. Here, we briefly survey the research on gendered journalism. We first focus on how journalism has been examined from the feminist perspective before considering how these studies have conceptualised gender.
Gender criticism has often been directed towards journalistic texts and genres; these criticisms include commentary on the incomplete images of women in the media as well as defining the news as a masculine text (Janus 1977; Perkins 1979; Rakow 1986; van Zoonen 1994). Early researchers overlooked the power of framing (Tuchman 1979) and the fact that female journalists would not necessarily produce more progressive portrayals of women than their male colleagues.
The increasing proportion of Western women in the journalism profession has drawn interest to the woman’s status in media organisations and newsroom agendas (e.g. Gallagher 2001). Additionally, the number of studies on the place of female journalists in newspapers, women’s magazines, and on television has risen significantly (e.g. van Zoonen 1992; Bruin & Ross 2004; Carter & Steiner 2004; Chambers, Steiner & Fleming 2004). Concerns about gendered news practices have extended to the analysis of news content. While news journalism might recognise women’s increased economic independence and consumer status, researchers have observed that this status does not necessarily make the news friendlier to women or allow equal distribution of social power between women and men (Holland 2004).
The growing interest in journalism as a masculine profession has given rise to accusations of a glass ceiling facing female journalists worldwide (de Bruin & Ross 2004; Morna 2007; Fröhlich & Lafky 2008; Vochocová 2008). According to many studies, there are obvious differences between women and men in both their experiences and practices of professional work (Savolainen & Zilliacus-Tikkanen 1992; Steiner 1998; van Zoonen 1998a; McKay 2000; Chambers, Steiner & Fleming 2004; Zilliacus-Tikkanen 2008). In recent years, the study of gendered professions has emphasised the practices of media organisations, as well as organisational and professional identity (Carter, Branston & Allan 1998; Bruin & Ross 2004). Among other aspects, these studies highlight the need for multiple perspectives or a variety of combined factors. Rather than focusing on a single facet of a phenomenon, it is necessary to study the linkages between various aspects, such as organisations, professions and gender, as well as the social, cultural and individual experiences of both female and male journalists.
Relevant concepts and perspectives point in different directions when it comes to theorising about journalism as texts, media professions and practices. Nonetheless, it is important that the critical gaze focus on the concept of gender and its limitations (Steiner 2012). It remains regrettable that gender as a category tends to be based on a dichotomy, comprehending the division between women and men as natural and self-evident. We do not deny that this division offers relevant information about certain societies and cultures. Indeed, this kind of conceptualisation is useful when approaching equal opportunities for men and women in the journalism profession. Especially in the theory of
In feminist criticism, it is almost axiomatic to grant what we understand as
Taken to the extreme, the idea of journalism as a gendered institution challenges the gender-neutral illusion, a situation that could be remedied in some ways by allowing women or other subordinate groups to occupy leadership positions. We thus consider it important to view journalism as an object of criticism. Otherwise, it is allowed to represent itself as a gender-neutral institution with only positive missions – to act as a monitor in society and to offer a platform for public debate – as if all undesirable elements (such as a gendered system) are external to this model. The foundations of this model, including the concept of objectivity, are sometimes challenged without journalism itself really being questioned. This methodological situation has many consequences for feminist media studies. In the next section, we give examples based on our own methodological observations: we realise that research on journalism and gender is more problematic than previously thought. Therefore, we examined this complex process in order to understand the meaning of some cultural and structural explanations and the importance of action in producing and reproducing the gender of journalism. In considering this complexity, we apply the multidimensional approach, allowing us to shed light on various aspects and combinations of gendered journalism.
The idea of multidimensionality owes much to earlier studies. Inspired by social identity theory, de Bruin (2004) distinguishes between the three categories of gender, and professional and organisational identities. According to de Bruin (2004), organisational identity involves an understanding that is collectively constructed and continuously renegotiated among members of an organisation. In contrast, professional identity does not stem from a particular media group but from the journalism community and its understanding of professional roles, functions, and values. Professional identity is dynamic, an evolving process through which practices connected to beliefs, values, and feelings are constructed (de Bruin 2000). Thus, increasing the number of women in top positions does not necessarily lead to the dismantling of “gendered journalism cultures”, to use Melin’s (2008) terminology.
As presented in our research, our idea of multidimensionality is based on thematic interviews with journalists (Torkkola & Ruoho 2009; Ruoho & Torkkola 2010). We aim to create a model that facilitates an analysis of differences between female and male journalists, not as a static dichotomy but as a process connected to cultures, structures, and practices. For example, in interpreting journalists’ views on their career development, we do not rely too heavily on one or two explanatory models. We take a broader approach because the interviewees’ genders do not directly explain their careers as female and male professionals. Furthermore, perceiving journalism simply as a male-dominated, patriarchal institution fails to explain why some male interviewees want to break gender expectations by refusing offers of management positions in favour of women. Because of the problems associated with interpreting professional careers from an overly narrow perspective, we developed a multidimensional model for comprehending interviews with emerging conflicts, contradictions, and inconsistencies. Table 1 presents each type of the model and provides a specific perspective on journalism as a gendered practice and field.
Nine ways of approaching questions of journalism and gender – a typology
Cultural terms and conditions | (1) Symbols | (2) Ideals | (3) Expectations |
Structural terms and conditions | (4) Management | (5) Practices | (6) Conventions |
Practical agency | (7) Specialisations | (8) Routines | (9) Reflexivity |
There are alternative ways to highlight gendered practices in journalism. These practices include organisational practices that hinder women’s career advancement, the prejudices and attitudes that women encounter, women’s reluctance to participate in organisational games, and problems in balancing family and career (Indvik & Northouse 2004). We also pay attention to the cultural and symbolic explanations of the under-representation of women in top positions. With case examples and references to sociological and media studies, we present the way in which human agency can be observed and practised in different conditions. We also show how these conditions can be interpreted together and separately when considering journalism as a gendered culture, professional practice, human agency, and institution.
In understanding journalism as a field and as a profession, the multidimensional approach led us to questions about organisational symbols (1), professional ideals (2), and gender expectations (3). A rather different story emerges from the study of media management (4), professional practices (5), and social conventions (6). Multidimensionality also induces reflection on the significance of organisational specialisation (7), daily routines (8), and individual reflectivity (9) in studying journalism agency. As Table 1 shows, each of these complementary types opens a certain intersectional perspective regarding the fundamental question of
Although the narratives of the interviewed editorial chiefs in our study reflect real-life experiences, they should not be understood as descriptions of everyday life in editorial offices that accurately correspond with reality. For example, the impression that gender is insignificant in journalism does not necessarily represent the reality of the interviewee. Rather, the interviewee is more likely describing the cultural understanding of the gender of journalism in the context of individual media organisations, editorial offices, and within Finnish society. When discussing journalism, the interviewees talk about both their individual definition of it and the shared meanings in journalism cultures. In media houses and editorial offices, an individual’s opportunity to perform journalism is constructed by the interactions between structures and persistent cultural values. Gender easily becomes a mere classification or label describing the interviewees’ attitudes and behaviours. Consequently, the interviewees’ stories cannot be reduced to mere female and male narratives. Even so, these stories provide an understanding of how journalism practices depend on the cultural expectations of women and men.
In this section, we introduce nine ways of examining the relationship between journalism and gender by considering examples from our study (Torkkola & Ruoho 2009; Ruoho & Torkkola 2010) and by citing analogous research. We emphasise that these nine ways can be distinguished only analytically; most of them both overlap and supplement each other. The diversity of journalism as a gendered institution can be understood fully only by keeping in mind that every type provides just a single perspective on journalism. Our original study dealt specifically with the
1.
Understanding a media organisation for example, through the
2.
In our interviews with the Finnish editorial chiefs, journalism seemed to be constructed as both an institutional relationship and a relationship with the audience. The institutional relationship emphasises the illusion of being able to follow and monitor other social actors while the audience relationship entails the ability to meet shifting demands. However, it is most interesting to consider how journalists understand their mission and scope of accreditation in society. In most of the Western world, the institutional relationship relies heavily on the view of journalism as a neutral, unbiased, and objective monitor of society. However, there are contradictions in the interviewees’ beliefs about gender-neutral ideals and journalism practices. On one hand, it seems that many top editors believe that certain areas of journalism are gender neutral, such as facts and news. On the other hand, when the meaning of gender is connected to practical situations, the idea of neutrality is diluted, and gender becomes at least one of the characteristics that defines a journalist and his or her work.
3.
Of course, gender identity also involves socialisation. In most instances, both women and men are aware of social expectations: gender expectations thus become realised in hundreds of small episodes that tell us how to do gender without violating cultural norms. However, views on the impact of gender are difficult to recognise, as our research shows. The majority of both female and male interviewees perceive gender as able to affect career advancement; or at least it was in the past. Opinions are more varied regarding the current situation. For example, there are growing calls for women managers in media houses in Finland. However, this phenomenon is rooted in the Nordic policy of equality (Svensson, Pylkkänen & Niemi-Kiesiläinen 2004; Svensson 2006; Torkkola & Ruoho 2009). Although the leadership models are changing, they are still linked to traditional gender expectations.
4.
5.
6.
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8.
9.
In this article, we have argued that understanding journalism as a gendered institution requires more research. We suggest that it is worth studying journalism as a gendered field with its own history, culture, and social roles instead of keeping gender and journalism theoretically separate while thinking of journalism as a semiotic technology or institution that (among many others) reproduces representations of gender. In the most radical sense, the relationship between journalism and gender could be understood as
As discussed, gender has been re-conceptualised over time, but not in the case of core journalistic concepts. This situation makes it quite difficult to explain women’s career development from a single starting point (organisational, professional, or individual). As shown in many studies, journalism is a nebulous concept, which nonetheless has historical roots as a modern institution. This ideology is changing, but change itself does not make journalism less gendered. The phenomena with which we associate journalism appear to emphasise its general virtues, such as integrity, honesty, and transparency – even if it is in altered forms. We argue that this great confidence in journalism makes it challenging to fully observe its role as a gendered power institution. To demonstrate our standpoint, we have used our study on Finnish journalists and their career development as an example. By applying this context, we have identified nine different ways of examining the relationship between journalism and gender.
We propose that gender criticism would benefit tremendously from using the multidimensionality of journalism as a methodological standard. As described, multidimensionality has guided us, as media scholars, to highlight the gender conventions that female or male journalists adopt when they specialise in certain areas, consider their individual career options, or perform their daily duties. Additionally, this multifaceted approach has assisted us in recognising how individual journalists’ careers are not restricted but conditioned by various attributes, cultural symbols, and ways of thinking about ideal leadership and gender roles. Most importantly, this method has allowed us to observe the social nature of journalism and the need to investigate gender and journalism as historically intertwined on many levels, thus shaping a different perspective on journalism. Gender is not just a variable that is external to the field; rather, it is formed in and by journalism. With all of its professional practices, ideals, and agencies, journalism produces its own kind of gendered institution.