Volume 10 (2022): Edition 1 (June 2022)

Our paper revisits the work of Samuel Finer and David Easton in order to establish a firmer grasp on the problem of political stability within a given state or regime. We suggest that Finer’s approach to the problem of coercion–extraction is not wholly incompatible with Easton’s political system approach (as modified by Gabriel Almond). By combining what Finer and Easton (as understood through Almond) offer, we construct a framework that allows us to better understand political stability. The model we construct offers current researchers exploring the workings of political stability a useful tool to study and focus on the various dynamics that drive the stability of any given political system.

Has the high-profile public opposition to recent EU trade agreements supplanted the traditional socio-economic pattern of competition in European trade policy with a value-driven one? This article draws on new data analysing the outcome of the ratification process of a mixed free trade agreement (CETA) in the European Parliament and in all national parliaments that have so far completed ratification. With help of a logistic regression model analysing the vote-outcome, this article demonstrates that despite high social salience, economic considerations remain prominent. Values (TAN-GAL cleavage) were relevant but played a different role than expected. Against the expectation, green parties associated with the GAL-spectrum voted against CETA demonstrating that party preferences on specific values do not necessarily coincide or generate the same policy preference.

Since the democratic transition, Poland-United States relations have been framed by the Polish authorities as a strategic threat-management tool in the securitization process of Poland’s geopolitical position, particularly concerning the Russian Federation. We analyse the process of securitization regarding Poland-US relations through latent topic modelling of Polish parliamentary speeches in the years 1991–2017. We demonstrate that the discourse on Polish-US relations is heavily dominated by security topics, narrowly understood as military security. Furthermore, even when economic issues are discussed, they are frequently linked to military operations. Based on Floyd’s (2011, 2019) model of the moral rightness of securitization, we argue that the close relationship between securitizing moves (debates on Poland-US relations) and security practices (security events) suggests the basic sincerity of the securitizing actor, while the historical context reflected in the Polish collective memory strongly influences the audience’s frame of reference and strengthens the power of the securitizing actor. However, although the case fulfils Floyd’s (2019) criteria of morally right securitization, we have shown a historical disparity between the scope of securitizing moves with security practices and the existing level of threat. This demonstrates that the securitizing agent has been abusing securitization by exceeding the ‘least harmful option’, particularly due to the large asymmetry of power of the participants in the relationship, the securitization process stretched over a long period and the threat severity varying over time.

Advisory councils (ACs) are permanent opinion-giving bodies that are established by public authorities. Their members are recruited from among residents, local officials, and members of NGOs. The author argues that, apart from their opinion-giving function, ACs perform the role of citizen representatives. The research was based on the survey of AC members. Its results were analyzed by a theoretical framework informed by representation theory. It has been documented that the representation is significantly related to the AC type, and that the decisive factor of disparity between ACs is their mandatory vs. optional creation. The study also shows that there is strong relationship between the formal and substantial representation of AC members. However, mixed AC audience undermines traditional links of authorization and accountability, which calls for the reconsideration of the theoretical framework of studies on AC representation.

At present, local communities are increasingly confronted with problems that do not have simple solutions. To tackle them, complex responses are needed. One such problem is found in the question of who shall be responsible for stabilising the economic situation of people living in small villages? Is it the individual, who should be able to effectively manage his or her own farm, or is it the state, which is liable for creating a better economic environment? Is it the market, since it is the space for economic activities? Is it the municipality that is responsible for the well-being of the citizens living in the villages? Is it NGOs, because of their social responsibility? Boundaries have been blurred, making functions, goals, and responsibilities more complex. The aim of the H2020 CoSIE project is to revive the forgotten culture of farming, horticulture, and animal husbandry in 10 disadvantaged rural settlements in Hungary and, thus, to develop a new service model. The data presented are collected in two consecutive questionnaire surveys. The first took place in September 2019 and the second in January 2020, involving 72 households. Between the two surveys, the agricultural tools of the respondents developed remarkably and there were also significant changes in the network of the participants. Project participants regarded the change in their attitude as one of the most positive outcomes, as they became much more open to new things. The highest proportion of respondents reported an improvement in their relationships with locals. Joint communication has improved to a similar extent because there are more frequently spontaneous meetings than before the start of the project.

Students with disabilities are an important group in the academic community who should be provided with appropriate support by higher education institutions (HEIs) from the recruitment stage through education to participation in academic activities. The aim of this article is to analyse the support system for students with disabilities at universities in Poland, in the context of good practices model implementation, based on the examples of the University of Wrocław and Wrocław University of Technology. The paper uses formal-legal analysis, sources analysis and uses quantitative data for a comparative sake. The article answers the following research questions: 1. What are the legal regulations for supporting students with disabilities? 2. How do higher education institutions regulate support for students with disabilities? 3. How do higher education institutions in Poland implement inclusive education? 4. How and at what level do higher education institutions implement the good practice model? 5. Do students with disabilities receive the support they request? 6. Does the implementation of the model of good practices help to increase the accessibility of higher education institutions? As a result, an evaluation of the implementation of support at the University of Wrocław and Wrocław University of Technology was developed. Strengths and weaknesses of the support off ered were identified and the level of support for students with disabilities was assessed based on the model of good practices. In conclusion, both the University of Wrocław and the Wrocław University of Technology have implemented a model of good practice in supporting students with disabilities. However, there is a need to extend the range of forms of support and to intensify some of the forms of support implemented so far.