<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">The exact nature and derivation of patient-subject constructions (PSC) in Chinese are still at dispute in literature. Based on the restriction of manner adverbial modification and the nonexistence of the manner reading <italic>of zenme</italic> ‘how’ observed in Chinese PSC, a morphosyntactic analysis has been provided. We argue that the seeming action verb V in PSC is not a real main verb, but a verbal root to be introduced into the derivation after syntax via external morphological merger. The real main verb of PSC in syntax is a covert light verb ∅BEC, which selects a nominal phrase (NP) as its specifier (Spec) and a resultative phrase (RP) as its complement. BECP is further selected by an aspect (Asp) head <italic>le</italic>. To satisfy the extended projection principle (EPP), the NP at [Spec, BECP] moves to the [Spec, TP] in syntax. After syntax, the resultative (R) head-moves to ∅BEC at the phonological form (PF) to satisfy the phonological requirement of ∅BEC, forming R-∅BEC; then, a bare verbal root merges with R-∅BEC at PF to denote the manner of the change of state. Due to the phonological requirement of <italic>le</italic>, V-R-∅BEC head-moves to <italic>le</italic>, producing the right order of PSC. The two elided forms of PSC can be derived similarly. This research suggests that covert light verbs and morphology may play an interactive role in the derivation of some “typical” constructions in Chinese.</abstract>

The exact nature and derivation of patient-subject constructions (PSC) in Chinese are still at dispute in literature. Based on the restriction of manner adverbial modification and the nonexistence of the manner reading of zenme ‘how’ observed in Chinese PSC, a morphosyntactic analysis has been provided. We argue that the seeming action verb V in PSC is not a real main verb, but a verbal root to be introduced into the derivation after syntax via external morphological merger. The real main verb of PSC in syntax is a covert light verb ∅BEC, which selects a nominal phrase (NP) as its specifier (Spec) and a resultative phrase (RP) as its complement. BECP is further selected by an aspect (Asp) head le. To satisfy the extended projection principle (EPP), the NP at [Spec, BECP] moves to the [Spec, TP] in syntax. After syntax, the resultative (R) head-moves to ∅BEC at the phonological form (PF) to satisfy the phonological requirement of ∅BEC, forming R-∅BEC; then, a bare verbal root merges with R-∅BEC at PF to denote the manner of the change of state. Due to the phonological requirement of le, V-R-∅BEC head-moves to le, producing the right order of PSC. The two elided forms of PSC can be derived similarly. This research suggests that covert light verbs and morphology may play an interactive role in the derivation of some “typical” constructions in Chinese.

A Morphosyntactic Analysis of Patient-Subject Constructions in Chinese

Studies in Chinese Linguistics

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License.

{"article-title":"A Morphosyntactic Analysis of Patient-Subject Constructions in Chinese"}

The exact nature and derivation of patient-subject constructions (PSC) in Chinese are still at dispute in literature. Based on the restriction of manner...

A Morphosyntactic Analysis of Patient-Subject Constructions in Chinese

Publié en ligne: 30 juin 2020

Pages: 33 - 71

Reçu: 16 avr. 2019

Accepté: 14 avr. 2020

DOI: https://doi.org/10.2478/scl-2020-0002

Mots clés
external morphological merger, morphosyntactic interface, restriction of manner adverbial modification, root, patient-subject constructions

© 2020 Changsong Wang et al., published by Sciendo

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License.

A Morphosyntactic Analysis of Patient-Subject Constructions in Chinese

Publié en ligne: 30 juin 2020

Pages: 33 - 71

Reçu: 16 avr. 2019

Accepté: 14 avr. 2020

DOI: https://doi.org/10.2478/scl-2020-0002

Mots clésexternal morphological merger, morphosyntactic interface, restriction of manner adverbial modification, root, patient-subject constructions

© 2020 Changsong Wang et al., published by Sciendo

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License.

Mots clés
external morphological merger, morphosyntactic interface, restriction of manner adverbial modification, root, patient-subject constructions