In recent time, North Macedonia has hold attention on the regional political scene of the Balkans, as a 'geopolitical fault line' (Armakolas et al. 2019, 1).
Nearly three decades, the 'Macedonian Question' has been subject of many round-table discussions, descriptive articles and many analyses from diverse perspectives. Because of the importance of this unique political conflict in the international relations, its implications have various natures (from historical, linguistic, political and legal, to ethnological and psychological) (Dzuvalekovska et al. 2013). Despite a lot of descriptive articles on the North Macedonia name issue with Greece, in the literature there is no theoretically informed analysis of this complex Question, from the roots till the resolution of this name dispute - conflict.
The goal of this research paper is to further explore: the political relations between North Macedonia and Greece, historical roots of this name dispute; pragmatic dimensions and (political, historical and cultural) factors contributing to the resolution of this neighbor conflict, with a special focus on North Macedonia (West-East) relations, which represent a good basis for the further North Macedonian European and Euro-Atlantic integration. Also, this article tries to explain how the international community has reacted and responded to the resolution of the 'Macedonian Question'. Finally, the article includes conclusions which are in relation with the possible scenarios at the political Balkans scenes, including the ratification and implementation of the
Hence, it is important to mention that 'the dispute about name of the Republic of Macedonia constitutes just one dimension of a broader latent conflict, one that touches so much upon the fundamentals of the two societies involved' (Sofos 2013, 226). In that way, North Macedonia left by side its social identity, history of Macedonians and its own statehood, although Greece claimed the virtual ownership of the term 'Macedonia' and its connection with the name of Alexander the Great and his Empire.
On February 12, 2019, SFR Macedonia officially changed name in the Republic of North Macedonia or North Macedonia for short. It changed its name to avoid the confusion with Greek northern-country region, also called Macedonia. Thus, neighbors’ countries ended a 27-year name row. In accordance with it, North Macedonia, in short period of time is making significant progress on its path to the European and Euro-Atlantic integration process in the region. In accordance with it, North Macedonia signs
The resolution of this intense neighbor' conflict - the 'Macedonian Question', in future will bring better conditions for the Western Balkans countries, which means promoting ethnic, religious and cultural heritance in the edge of the European continent.
Research hypothesis is: 'The Resolution of the 'Macedonian Question' is finished with the signing of the
North Macedonia is the Western Balkans country. It represents a complex border country between West and East, Europe and Asia. Hence, it is important to underline that during the history, today's territory of North Macedonia was interesting area for conquers.
Hence, Dr. Bozhidar Dimitrov in his book According to Bulgarian history, Macedonians, Macedonian culture and Macedonian language didn't exist. Hence, different points of view are defined as a historical conflict between Bulgaria and FYROM. Furthermore, later version of this conflict is formalized as official world history and recognized by Bulgaria, Greece and serious historical dealing with the Balkans history (Damyanov, n.d.). The Macedonians have led a very peripheral existence and they had small partake in intellectual, cultural and social progress of Southern Greece. However, the golden period of the Kingdom of Macedonia was under Philip II. During his reign, the Kingdom was politically and military strong, with its enlargement through a series of successful military campaigns, Philip II included a large part of Southern Balkan Peninsula. After dead of Philip II, his son Alexander the Great has established enormous Empire in Europe, Asia and Africa. In that way, he was spreading military and ideological crusade against the Persians (Floudas, n.d.).
Furthermore, in 9th century, during the rule of Bulgaria, two Macedonian brothers, Cyril and Methodius invented the Glagolitic Alphabet, later modified by Cyrillic Alphabet by St. Clement of Ohrid. In the end of 10th century, Macedonian seceded from the Bulgarian Empire and established their first and the only country in medieval times led by Macedonians Tsar Samuil. After the Tsar's reign, Macedonian was ruled by Byzantine Empire During the Byzantine and later Ottoman Empire, the term 'Macedonia' is used in geographic sense, because it was covered the boundaries of the former Roman administrative regions of Macedonia. This region was larger than 'historic Macedonia', the core domain of the Macedonian Kingdom in 4th century B.C. It was inhabited by different Balkan ethnic groups (Floudas, n.d.).
And the last ruler over Macedonia was Ottoman Empire. Therefore, many Balkans countries were under Ottoman Empire, from 14th up until early 20th century, in some parts of this region (Šorović 2018). In accordance with crucial sphere of influence and regional political order, Ottomans controlled the Balkans territory, including Macedonia During World War I, the Serbian segment of Macedonia was incorporated into the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (after 1929 it was called Yugoslavia). After World War II, the Serbian segment of Macedonia was incorporated into the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia (later, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) (Danforth 2019). The Balkan Wars consisted of two conflicts, from 1912 to 1913. Also, they are known as wars for independence of the Balkans against Ottoman Empire occupation.
Yugoslavia was a political creation of great powers. It was established at the end of World War I. In that period of time, Slovenian, Bosnian and Croat territories (as a part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire) united with the Serbian Kingdom. But, this creation did not exist for long. During World War II (WWII), the country broke up under the (Nazi) occupation. Thus, Nazi - allies created independent Croat state, which was reunified at the end of War, when communists liberated the country.
After WWII, one of main political priority of the U.S. Government was Yugoslavian unity. Hence, it is important to point out that Yugoslavia made changes in political sphere of influence. Although, it was communist country: in 1948 Yugoslavia broke away from Soviet sphere of influence, in 1961 it become a founding member of Non-Aligned Movement and during the Cold War it adopted less repressive and more decentralized form of government – compared with other communist countries of East Europe (The Breakup of Yugoslavia 1990-1992, n.d.).
It is important to mention that in 1944, Tito, the Yugoslavian leader, created a new federal state (consisting of six republics). He renamed the southernmost province, previously known as Vardarska Banovina (i.e. District of Vardar River). The new country name was People's Republic of Macedonia This Republic was constitutive part of federal Yugoslavia. The 'titular nation' name was
Focusing on the Eastern Europe, there were wide specters of reasons for the Yugoslavia's breakup, ranged from religious and cultural divisions between ethnic groups. 'However, a series of major political events served as the catalyst for exacerbating inherent tensions in the Yugoslav republic. Following the death of Tito in 1980, provisions of the 1974 constitution provided for the effective devolution of all real power away from the federal government to the republics and autonomous provinces in Serbia by establishing a collective presidency of the eight provincial representatives and a federal government with little control over economic, cultural, and political policy. External factors also had a significant impact. The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe in 1989, the unification of Germany one year later, and the imminent collapse of the Soviet Union all served to erode Yugoslavia’s political stability. As Eastern European states moved away from communist government and toward free elections and market economies, the West’s attention focused away from Yugoslavia and undermined the extensive economic and financial support necessary to preserve a Yugoslav economy already close to collapse. The absence of a Soviet threat to the integrity and unity of Yugoslavia and its constituent parts meant that a powerful incentive for unity and cooperation was removed' (The Breakup of Yugoslavia 1990-1992, n.d., 1).
For great powers, especially during and after dissolution of Yugoslavia, the Balkans region has become the 'playground' for their strategic accomplishment of diverse interests of several actors (Šorović 2018). Day by day, ethnic tensions and political misunderstandings, led to idea of Yugoslavia's dissolution and politics independence of every Yugoslavian republic.
Furthermore, 'on December 23, 1990 a referendum in Slovenia supporting independence triggered off the chain of events that led to the dissolution of the Federal Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia. In similar referendum on September 8, 1991, a large majority in the Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia voted in favor of independence and the Republic duly declared its sovereignty on September 17, 1991. At the same time, it started seeking international recognition as the 'Republic Macedonia'' (Floudas, n.d., 3).
Hence, neighbor countries find compromise formula - 'the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia' (FYROM). It was used as provisional reference, rather than an official country name. According to it, in April 1993, Macedonia became part of the UN. Following existing practice of this prestigious supranational organization, the international organizations (such as, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank) adopted the UN terminology, and with that action, a large number of countries in the international community recognized the country as the
In the context of The predominant theory of the Vergina Sun represents a simplified symbol, not only for the astral, also in the religious system of the Ancient Greeks and the Macedonians. This symbol usually had 8, 12 or 16 'rays', while in the center was a 'rodakas'). For better understanding, it is important to mention that 'rodakas' means 'flower' and it represented a decorative motif. It had particular importance in the Ancient Greece. On the symbol of the Vergina Sun, a 'rodakas' is putted in the center and it symbolized the Earth on which all the spiritual and material goods are fertilized. On the other side, the number 16 was symbol of completeness and totality. More precisely, the complete Vergina Sun set symbol consists of the four elements (that constituted the world in the Ancient time): the Earth, the Ocean, the Air and the Fire, while the four quadrants (created by vertical axes) are placed the 12 gods. Those symbols, the archeologists have discovered on Hellenistic coins, vases, etc. However, after 1977, the symbol of the Vergina Sun was connected with the Dynasty of Philip II and his son, Alexander the Great (LATO, n.d.).
Also, relations between the two countries are improved between 1995 and 2008. Because of their intensified collaboration, it was marked an increased trade and influx of Greek direct investments to the Republic of Macedonia (Dzuvalekovska et al. 2013).
It is important to underline that on April 9, 2001, the Republic of Macedonia was the first country from the Western Balkans who signed a
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However, political system in Greece has putted by side the social cohesion and quality of democracy. The resolution of the name issue represents a main positive development in the Western Balkans, bringing consolidation and stability in the region and advancement in the European and Euro-Atlantic integration. Because of that, the resolution of the
It is the fact that the conflict about a name is very sensitive and, in the same time, a quite difficult question. But, the right of self-determination of a nation is undisputed for every country in the world and it is corroborated by a whole series of legal acts, from the UN to the Council of Europe. However, it is really difficult to negotiate if myths, the Balkans nationalist legends and the controversial history are involved in it. Besides of all that, so much blood and young life were spilled in this part of the Balkans, from the beginning of the 19th century, through the Balkan and Worlds Wars, until the Civil War from 1946 to 1949, which was run mainly in Greek Macedonia. Hence, it is almost impossible to conduct political talks, if it is word about the negotiation process on identity issues (which are the most delicate for each country, especially for the Western Balkans region) (Lukač 2016).
However, the 'Macedonian Question' becomes the longest lasting dispute at the political scene in the recent history. 'The issue was easily being dismissed as the product of the intransigence of two typically nationalistic Balkan countries' (Kolozova 2019, 1). In addition, one of the best given explications of the name dispute is on the best way defined and explained by the statement on the website of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs (now is taken down): 'the use of the name expresses claims on Greek cultural heritage, history, and, hence, identity and this in itself constitutes "irredentism". That is, the dispute was about history and identity, and not the territory'(Kolozova 2019, 1).
Historically, “
The Former Prime Minister of Greece Konstantinos Mitsotakis and many nationally oriented Greeks considered that term 'Macedonia' had always been Greek and it is related to the territory of Greece. Besides that, the Vergina Sun with the sixteen rays, which origin dated from the historical emblem of the Ancient Macedonian Royal family Philip II, father of Alexander the Great. On the other side, the critics of the Greek position claimed that it is unlikely that the FRYOM with only two million inhabitants and 10,000 modestly armed soldiers would attack a well-equipped Greek army of 122.000 soldiers. Also, they pointed out that the Greek Constitution, in Article 108 prescribes the Athens care about the Greek diaspora. In accordance with it, Macedonia, in the same way, just like Greece, wants to take care of its people who do not live within the borders of Macedonia (Lukač 2016).
The dispute over Macedonia's constitutional name dates from 1991, after the collapse of Yugoslavia and the peacefully declare independence of the Republic of Macedonia, on September 17, 1991. Despite that fact, the breakthrough in the Greek-Macedonian relationship was achieved on September 13, 1995, thanks to the
In December 2016, at the parliamentary elections, pro-Western government led by Zoran Zaev came to power. His government wanted to Macedonia made progress at the path of European and Euro-Atlantic integration, leaving history by side and finding solution for better future of Macedonian society. In accordance with it, North Macedonia signed with Greece the
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The two neighbor countries had obligation to recognize each other's concerns, in the order to address them. The Greek side was underline that the term 'Macedonia' laid a claim on the Hellenistic nation, as a part of the Greek-historical heritage and its identity. The Macedonian side had justified fear, that, with the change of the name of the country, it would delete and throw away its national history, identity and language (Kolozova 2019). Hence, in Article 7 of the
More precisely, in the
Besides the fact that the
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It is important to mention that the 'Macedonian Question' again entered at the political scene in the second half of 2017. The opposition parties leading by New Democracy party tried to link Novartis scandal For more information about Novartis scandal, see for example here:
Early phase of negotiations was very pessimistic. There were many reasons for it. Public debate in Greece was very limited, ('for or against' the name solution) because of that, most of Greek population considered this solution as an unacceptable. Also, in recent years, the importance and influence of 'mainstream' media radically reduced. Last, but not least important is the regional dimension of opposition to the name dispute. Opinion polls presented that a majority across entire country opposes compromise solution (Ibid.). 'However, attitudes are much more hardened in Northern Greece (Thessaloniki, Greek Macedonia regions, Thrace, and parts of central Greece). Conservatism and nationalism are more salient in Northern Greece as a result of developments in the last century, and especially the traumatic experience of the Greek civil war (1940s) during which many Slavic speaking inhabitants sided with the rebel Communist Army, a move widely seen in Greece as an effort for a violent carve-up of Greek Macedonia' (Ibid. 2019, 5).
At the end of 2018, after rallies (in Thessaloniki and Athens), things are looked more optimistic.
In recent years, North Macedonia has commanded attention to political scene of the Western Balkans. Thus, with special attention, I try to analyze how international community (the EU, Russia and the Western Balkans) has impact on the new Balkans country and mention main neighbor conflicts connected to its previous political establishment.
It is the fact that the European Union (EU) has been faced by a succession of crises in last few years: the aftershocks of the global financial meltdown in 2008, which affected on the Eurozone's foundations; Russia as a geopolitical challenge; war in Syria – the Migration Crisis and asylum seekers in 2015 – 2016 and Brexit as the special Union question.
Hence, the European community is not yet completely secure to deal with the daunting problem – task of international consolidation. Besides all previous the EU tasks, Skopje-Athens negotiation over name dispute reached in June 2018. In accordance with it, the EU and NATO made crucial decision on the European and Euro-Atlantic integration of North Macedonia: the EU's General Affairs Council, on June 26, put North Macedonia on the path toward opening accession negotiations in 2019, while, on July 11, NATO invited North Macedonia to start with accession negotiations. More precisely, both political decisions were based on rewarding North Macedonia for signing the
Germany as important player on political scene has supported North Macedonia's European and Euro-Atlantic integration process in Western Balkans. Thus, Germany puts efforts on the EU and the West to manage the 2015-2017 political crises in this country (Armakolas et al. 2019).
After a while, the skepticism about the EU enlargement is left by side, thus, Germany was approved the opening of the EU accession negotiations with North Macedonia, 'but that the opening of the first negotiation chapters should be conditional of the implementation of certain reforms (in the areas of justice and public administration reforms, the fight against corruption and organized crime) (Ibid. 2019, 10).
However, France has had valid reasons for its skepticism (Albanian issue). In mid-June 2018, at traditional biannual intergovernmental talks between Germany and France at Marseberg, French President Emmanuel Macron 'insisted there should be no further steps toward EU enlargement before the May 2019 elections for the European Parliament ' (Ibid. 2019, 11).
From the establishment of the EU, the EU enlargement was trademark policy. Following the previous Union practice, 'the EU needs to remain an interesting Community that would attract Eastern countries, from the edge of the continent, without
During the centuries, Russia has had interests to control the Balkans region, as important counterbalance area to the West. Through diplomatic channels and with mediation role, Russia tries to remain an important player who is fighting for post-Soviet space.
Obstructionism of Russia has a function in confrontation with the United States and the EU. The culmination of this 'clashes of civilization' is triggered by Crimea's annexation. Thus, relations between the Western countries and Russia in South Eastern Europe weren't completely based on zero-sum conception. There are evident overlapping interests in this area (through energy infrastructure). In recent time, South Macedonia is 'playground' for great powers.
Following the previous, between 2015 and 2017, some political analysts have described the Macedonian political crisis 'as a continuation of the standoff between Vladimir Putin's Russia and the West'(Armakolas et al. 2019, 1). The previous Prime Minister of North Macedonia Nikola Gruevski 'remained rhetorically committed to the European Union and NATO, he put considerable effort into building up ties with the Russians. For instance, Skopje and Moscow developed plans to supply the country with gas. Russian companies have invested in other parts of energy sector' (Ibid. 2019, 13). When is word about the
In this scenario, North Macedonia as member of NATO is finished political 'business' dating back to 1990s. For the West, this information is great political victory, in way to contain Russia away from the post-Yugoslav space. Also, it is important to underline that NATO would be 'bridge' between the ethnic divide in North Macedonia, as well as supra-national organization with aim to boost and secure internal and external security (Ibid. 2019).
The implementation of the
During the previous year, Bulgaria questioned the distinctiveness of the Macedonian language and nation. Thus, this 'neighbor problem' has roots down deep in the history of those two nations and the ethnical origin of today's North Macedonians. Hence, 'Bulgarians claim Macedonians are Bulgarians and have Bulgarian history while Macedonians deny it and claim they are Macedonians with their own history' (Damyanov, n.d., 6).
Between Bulgaria and North Macedonia was signed and ratification the
Relations between North Macedonia and Serbia become tense since change of government in Skopje. More precisely, previous Prime Minister of North Macedonia Nikola Gruevski enjoyed strong support from the Prime Minister of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić and his ruling party. However, with come into power new government in Skopje, relations between those two countries are changed. New government of North Macedonia is defined as a creation of a 'Great Albania' who plays into the Albanians hands, in favor of the dissolution of North Macedonia (Armakolas et al. 2019).
The identity dispute is not supposed to be happening on the European continent, especially in 21st century. Because of that, the 'Macedonian Question' should be used as a 'potent reminder of the considerable influence that nationalistic divides have always exerted in the Balkan region' (Floudas, n.d., 1).
The dispute resolution is a historic achievement and represents 'new chapter' in the relations of two neighbor countries. Although, this emotional issue was a previously latent conflict that has touched so deep in the fundamental pillars of the two nations. The claim of Greece to a 'virtual' ownership of the name 'Macedonia' was very irritating, but history and numbers prove their point of view. Greek Macedonia is the largest country region, with a large population and the electoral weight big enough to make the 'Macedonian Question' important matter in Greek politics (Liaras 2018).
On the presidential elections, on May 5, 2019, North Macedonia elected the pro-Western candidate, Stevo Pendarovski, supported by the ruling Social Democrats. The result of the elections is defined as a victory of the pro-European and Euro-Atlantic integration process (with the 51,66% in a run-off vote), and in the President's words it was characterized as ‘our ticket to Europe' (Smith 2019, 1). Now, the new government, leading by President Pendarovski, has enormous responsibility in order to fully implement the
Although, North Macedonia had needed to face with the loss of identity, the resolution of the 'Macedonia Question' is an excellent example for the Western Balkan region and it represents an excellent model for resolving other difficult disputes that still exist in the political (international) community. The resolution of the name dispute between the two Balkans countries sends clear massage in the world – 'nationalism is defeated'. In that order, it is evident that 27-year conflict is resolved through political dialogue and border collaboration, using history as a lecture, not as a mistake from the past. In that way, ‘the powder keg of Europe' is presented as a friendly political area which by joint action neighbor countries invest in future, promoting the regional stability, security, prosperity and neighbor relations of the Western Balkans'.
The 'Macedonian Question' finished with the provocative fear on Greek side, overcoming the obstacles, imposed by wrong information and many misunderstandings, which for the main purpose have wrong perception of name 'Macedonia', established in historical and geographical claims, rooted in possible territorial demands over Greece. Hence, the