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The relationship between organizational politics, strategic political management, and competitive advantage


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INTRODUCTION

The literature on the subject expresses a belief that organizational politics (OP) has a significant impact on the implementation of strategic plans and decisions (Child et al., 2010; Lampaki & Papadakis, 2018; Landells & Albrecht, 2017; Van Vugt, Hogan, & Kaiser, 2008). Researchers have also examined the political resources and political skills as potential sources of a company's competitive advantage (Brouer, Douglas, Treadway, & Ferris, 2013; Chell, 2013; Ferris, Davidson, & Perrewé, 2005; Guo, Liu, & Yain, 2020; Hillman & Keim, 2001). However, it has not yet been possible to find either a common method of OP measurement or an agreement on whether or not it is a unidimensional construct (Kreutzer, Walter, & Cardinal, 2015).

This article analyzes the OP as a construct with four dimensions: planning, improvisational, learning, and entrepreneurial. We also examine the relationship between strategic political management and OP and between OP and the organizational effectiveness of a company. For practical reasons (ease of obtaining data for each element of the studied population), we understand the organizational effectiveness of a company to be a competitive advantage. Finally, we aim to verify whether there is a mediating role for OP in the association of strategic political management and organizational effectiveness of an enterprise, which is understood to be a competitive advantage.

BACKGROUND
Organizational politics

A political approach is one of the oldest perspectives of enterprise, and it offers important insights into organizational phenomena (Kulikowska-Pawlak, 2018). It is based on the propositions of the Carnegie School (Cyert & March, 1963; March & Simon, 1958) and the resource dependence theory (Pfeffer & Salancik, 1978). Unlike the rational model of the enterprise, the political model indicates that enterprises are political arenas (Mintzberg, 1983), and their employees behave in a way that reasonable recommendations cannot explain.

OP can be viewed as “the exploitation of resources, both physical and human, for the achievement of more control over others, and thus of safer, or more comfortable, or more satisfying terms of individual existence” (Burns, 1961, p. 278). The company's employees are involved in the OP process to influence decision-making and organizational effects, and, according to (Pfeffer, 2013), OP is an inherent element of the organization's reality. OP, in all of its forms, can and will occur in organizations (R. Denhardt, J. Denhardt, & Aristigueta, 2013; Mayes & Allen, 1977; Mintzberg, 1983; Pfeffer, 1981, 1992, 2013).

The construct has long been thought of as creating several detrimental consequences in a work environment, for example, higher stress and lower worker satisfaction, commitment, and productivity (Miller, Rutherford, & Kolodinsky, 2008, p. 209). However, an increasing number of researchers support the view that organizational political behavior is not inherently negative (Etbiga, 2020; Ferris & Hochwarter, 2011; Kapoutsis, Paplexandris, Thanos, & Nikolopoulos, 2012; Lampaki & Papadakis, 2018; Vigoda-Gadot & Talmud, 2006; Vigoda-Gadot & Vashdi, 2012). They perceive such behavior as the type of activities and efforts used to overcome opposition or resistance, resolve competing interests, and balance various goals (A. Smith, Grimm, & Gannon, 2009). Thus, OP appears to comprise these activities and efforts.

A review of the OP literature revealed that it has not yet been possible to find either a common method of OP measurement or an agreement on whether or not it is a unidimensional construct (Kreutzer, Walter, & Cardinal, 2015). However, what has already been established is that what truly matters is not an action or behavior in itself but how individuals perceive them (Ferris & Kacmar, 1992; Kreutzer et al., 2015). Such a perceptual approach to measure OP, adopted by most researchers, focuses on perceptions of organizational politics (POP), which comprise observations of other organization members’ informal, unofficial, and sometimes behind-the-scenes and manipulative behaviors (Bozeman, Perrewé, Hochwarter, & Brymer, 2001). One of the first to propose a comprehensive model of OP perceptions were Ferris, Russ, and Fandt (1989). They included the antecedents and consequences of OP perceptions in their model yet treated the construct as a unidimensional one. In contrast, Kacmar and Ferris (1991) developed a 12-item, three-factor scale with an overall reliability of 0.87. In the following year, Ferris and Kacmar (1992) published the results of two studies on portions of the POP model proposed by Ferris et al. (1989). In their refined and expanded measure of POP, a total of 22 items have been retained across the three factors. The first factor was supervisor behavior, the second was coworker and clique behavior, and the last was organizational policies and practices. Ferris and Kacmar (1992) also confirmed Kacmar and Ferris's (1991) findings on the multi-dimensional nature of POP's construct. This measurement method has been widely accepted (Ferris et al., 2005; Rosen, Levy, & Hall, 2006). In subsequent research, borrowing from Ferris and Kacmar (1992), Kreutzer et al. (2015) used the first two factors: managerial politics (vertical) and group politics (horizontal). They constructed a two-dimension model that showed satisfactory psychometric properties. Building on previous findings, Kulikowska-Pawlak (2018) proposed a typology of OP processes, depending on the level of OP effectiveness and OP ethics. Following her reasoning, there are (i) functional and ethical behaviors related to the fulfillment of tasks – they are not political in their nature; (ii) dysfunctional and ethical behaviors – the company's resources are used outside of the sphere of organizational goals but in an ethically correct manner; (iii) behaviors oriented at achieving the company's goals, although not sanctioned by ethical standards; (iv) political behaviors that are dysfunctional in terms of organizational consequences and in violating ethical norms.

Based on the conducted review that provided conceptual arguments in favor of the multidimensionality of OP, we further explore this construct in connection to the other constructs from the field of management, led by methodological guidelines for the conceptualization of multidimensional constructs (DeVellis, 2003; MacKenzie, P. Podsakoff, & N. Podsakoff, 2011). The basis for identifying the dimensions of OP measuring is the concept of archetypes (Kulikowska-Pawlak, 2014, 2015; Plowman, Baker, Beck, Kulkarni, Solansky, & Travis, 2007; Sułkowski, 2011). In this view, an organization is a set of properties involving multiple variables that reflect measurable dimensions. The essential components of the OP archetypes are: (1) the area of management that OP primarily concerns (Cameron, Quinn, DeGraff, & Thakor, 2007), (2) the cultural orientation and corresponding theory of effectiveness (Quinn & Cameron, 1983), (3) the dominant management model (Birkinshaw, 2010), (4) the theory of organizational development and the associated nature of change (Van de Ven & Sun, 2011), (5) the most valued source of power and the dominant logic of its use (Kulikowska-Pawlak & Bratnicki, 2014), and (6) the social situation of the organization (Yu, 2014). These led to identifying the following four OP archetypes (Birkinshaw, 2010; Cameron et al., 2007; Kulikowska-Pawlak & Bratnicki, 2014; Oliver & Holzinger, 2008; Van de Ven & Sun, 2011):

the archetype of improvisational politics (organizational improvisation, clan culture, anticipatory strategy),

the archetype of entrepreneurial politics (organizational entrepreneurship, creativity, vision, continuous change, proactive strategy),

the archetype of planning politics (strategic planning, control, and effectiveness supported by appropriate organizational processes, reactive strategy),

the archetype of learning politics (organizational learning, aggressive competition, customer focus, defensive strategy).

The above archetypes shall be considered equivalent to the four dimensions that make up the phenomenon of OP. These four dimensions include the necessary yet sufficient characteristics (attributes) that constitute the OP construct. This allows us to formulate the following hypothesis:

H1: Organizational politics is a construct with four dimensions: planning, improvisational, learning, and entrepreneurial.

Strategic political management

As Wildavsky (1968) argues, politics is inherently related to the conflict of preferences, a process that determines the strategic policy of a company. On the other hand, Wamsley and Zald (1973), when analyzing politics in public organizations, emphasized the structure and process of using formal and informal authority to formulate goals, future directions of activity, and the main parameters of economic activity of an organization. Thus, the understanding of the OP process is tightly tied to the higher levels of management. Still, the process itself also takes place at lower levels, as long as strategic decisions that affect the entire enterprise are made there. So far, OP has been rarely analyzed as a dependent variable. Therefore, the knowledge about the determinants of this process is insufficient. A significant number of studies show that characteristics of the organizational context, such as technology, organizational structure, size of the enterprise, HR management systems, strategic policies, and programs – all influence the behavior, motives, interactions, and attitudes of management (Arthur & Boyles, 2007; Bowen & Ostroff, 2004; Haggerty & Wright, 2010; Lepak, Marrone, & Takeuchi, 2004). Therefore, it should not be surprising that there is a widespread belief that organizational context is a current and vital issue in strategic management (Dess, Peng, & Lei, 2013). Furthermore, according to Kulikowska-Pawlak (2018), strategic political management is one of the core elements of organizational context (the other two are creative leadership and strategic design of the organization).

Strategic political management comprises an organization's planned and performed strategic actions that benefit from its political environment. It allows companies to improve their performance or competitive advantage by using a repertoire of political activities that materialize in actively influencing the political environment or, if the influence is impossible or undesirable, in compliance with public policies or regulations intended to benefit the most from such compliance (Oliver & Holzinger, 2008). OP, like most organizational phenomena, is determined by its context. Specifically, organizational context – and strategic political management as its component – defines the scope of OP within the firm and is also a boundary condition for the effects of OP (Ferris et al., 2002; Andrews, Kacmar, & Harris, 2009). Therefore, taking contextual considerations into account, we formulate the below hypothesis:

H2: There is a positive relationship between strategic political management and organizational politics, which means organizational politics grow as strategic political management increases.

The organizational effectiveness of the enterprise is understood to be a competitive advantage

In the early days of strategic management research, special attention was paid to OP, power, and influence as critical elements to understand how a company functions, grows, and eventually collapses (Allison, 1971; MacMillan & Jones, 1986; Pfeffer, 1981; Porter, 1980). A decade later, the focus was on the dynamics of competitiveness, trying to understand how OP affects the frequency, scope, and timing of competitive responses (K. Smith, Grimm, & Gannon, 1992). In particular, the role of power and OP in implementing strategic plans and, consequently, shaping strategic responses was analyzed (Derfus, Maggitti, Grimm, & Smith, 2008). In short, the competitive dynamic documents that the exercise of power and politics are intertwined with economic strategies. Therefore, political resources and political capacity can become essential sources of a company's competitive advantage (Hillman & Keim, 2001; Ferris et al., 2005).

There are ample sources of competitive differentiation (company history, market position, beliefs, preferences, etc.), leading to permanent and systematic differences between enterprises. According to the current dominant perspective in the strategic management literature, different competitive positions taken by enterprises result from the heterogeneous distribution of resources and capabilities between enterprises (Hoopes & Madsen, 2008). Empirical research confirms that competitive advantage results from blending valuable and scarce resources with the company's capabilities (Newbert, 2008). Following (Dahan, 2005), one can take a specific approach to OP. In the structure of strategic management as a research field, OP should be considered in terms of competitive edge and in connection with resource-based theory that stresses the role of resources in providing sustained competitive advantage and superior performance (Furrer, Thomas, & Goussevskaia, 2008). They need to be rare and difficult to imitate and, at the same time, valuable and have no substitutes.

Importantly, it is not enough to have resources; you also need to use them skillfully and create new combinations of them using dynamic abilities that ensure fusion with the demands of the environment (Bowman & Ambrosini, 2003; Eisenhardt & Martin, 2000). The management striving to achieve the effectiveness and longevity of strategic undertakings must acquire the necessary power resources and use the skills developed for the purposes of OP. Thus, OP is a dynamic ability of an enterprise, thanks to which the resources of power are reconfigured (Kulikowska-Pawlak, 2018).

Businesses rely on a set of unique political assets and skills to which the enterprise has access and can use to model the political environment for their own benefit (Holburn & Zelner, 2010). The focus is on social ties with key political actors such as government representatives and interest groups seeking to influence the government. Thus, political abilities reflect the enterprise's capacity to continuously use or develop its political resources to ensure favorable conditions for activity and defend against unfavorable political changes. As a result, such firms build above-average capabilities to recognize political dynamics and manage relations with different stakeholders on the political scene (Boddewyn & Brewer, 1994). These political abilities can be a solid foundation for the firms’ competitive edge as others can not easily replicate them. Usually, the reason behind this is the hidden nature of the most successful political actions (Etzioni, 1988). OP can lead to sustained, high organizational effectiveness of the enterprise through positioning and directing the use of other dynamic and substantial abilities. It enables the “reconfiguration of resources and routines in a way seen by key decision-makers and deemed appropriate by them” (Zahra, Sapienza, & Davidsson, 2006, p. 918). As there is an increasingly strong view in the literature that organizational performance measures are a valid substitute for objective measurement (Bititci, Garengo, Dörfler, & Nudurupati, 2012; Richard, Divinney, Yip, & Johnson, 2009; Singh, Darwish, & Potočnik, 2016), we share the opinion of Bratnicka-Myśliwiec (2017), that subjective assessments of competitive advantage, social efficiency, and value appropriation provide a solid theoretical basis for estimation of the organizational effectiveness of a company. For this article, we used competitive advantage as a proxy for the organizational effectiveness of a company; however, in further studies, we will also use other subjective dimensions (i.e., social efficiency and value appropriation) and objective accounting measures (i.e., ROA, ROE). Thus, we formulate the below hypotheses:

H3: Organizational politics is positively related to the organizational effectiveness of a company, and understood to be a competitive advantage,

and also:

H4: Organizational politics plays a mediating role between strategic political management and the organizational effectiveness of the enterprise, understood to be a competitive advantage.

The research model is presented in Figure 1.

Figure 1

Research model

Source: Own study

METHOD

Quantitative research was carried out among Polish enterprises that aimed at testing the research hypotheses and verifying the model. Data was collected from May to September 2015 among medium-sized enterprises (50–249 employees) and large enterprises (over 250 employees). A focus on this group of entities was dictated by the fact that the intensity of OP is more significant in large organizations. In micro and small enterprises, a narrow spectrum of the applied techniques of exerting influence could be observed, and these enterprises use the mechanisms of OP much less frequently.

The sample selection was conducted in several stages, and the simple random selection method was used first. The initial assumed sample size was 150 enterprises, but then a decision was made to increase it to improve the representativeness of the research. Therefore, to determine the size of the research sample, which mainly depends on the estimated population parameter, a tool available on the website http://www.naukowiec.org/dobor.html was used. The minimum (i.e. required) number of research units falling in the range of 320 to 400 enterprises was established with the assumed parameters. The selection of enterprises for the study assumed that organizations from the initially designated sample of 1,100 enterprises were contacted. This way, 371 completed questionnaires were collected, which gave a satisfactory sample result, at a relatively high level of questionnaire returns exceeding 33 percent. In the first step, the completeness of the completed questionnaires was analyzed. At this stage, sixteen questionnaires were rejected as a result of missing data. Ultimately, the sample included 355 enterprises for which further statistical analyses were conducted. Thus, as Romanowska and Winch, (2015), following (Mider and Marcinkowska (2013), postulated, the number of surveyed enterprises should be at least 1.5 times greater than the number of items contained in the questionnaire (83), and this was fulfilled.

The target group was top management, which significantly increased the probability that the respondents understood the questions the same way, because they were performing similar functions and using similar vocabulary.

The variables involved were assessed in four areas: organizational effectiveness of the enterprise, understood as a competitive advantage, OP, strategic political management, and control variables. The research tool covered 83 issues. All questions used the Likert-type seven-point scale of attitudes (Brzeziński, 1980) with the anchors from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree).

Independent variables

OP: A conducted review of literature provided conceptual arguments in favor of the multidimensionality of OP. The basis for distinguishing the dimensions of measuring OP is the concept of archetypes (Kulikowska-Pawlak, 2014, 2015). The concept identifies four archetypes of OP, which constitute the theoretical foundations of the four dimensions of OP: planning, improvising, learning, and entrepreneurial politics. Hypothetically, it was assumed that the dimensions are formative, and together, they form the full scale of OP. The scale developed by Kulikowska-Pawlak (2018) was used to measure OP.

Strategic political management: The measurement of strategic political management was made atypically compared to the other dimensions, where the seven-point Likert-type scale was used. In this case, the scale developed by Kulikowska-Pawlak (2015) was used. Respondents were asked to choose a description that best suits the company's political management strategy. A summary of descriptions of individual strategies is presented in Table 1.

Types and characteristics of political strategies

Type of political strategy Characteristics of political strategy
Reactive strategy Strategic measures are taken to effectively adapt the company's internal processes to political requirements, e.g., effective data processing systems for determining compliance with legal regulations, timely provision of information on compliance with supervisory authorities, and improved structures and processes that directly reduce compliance costs.
Anticipation strategy Strategic measures are undertaken to achieve a competitive advantage that gives priority rent by anticipating future public policy (e.g., merging and reconfiguring internal and external resources to increase the frequency and scope of monitoring the political environment and the timely acquisition of knowledge about the inevitable or potential changes in law or public policy).
Defensive strategy Strategic measures are taken to prevent undesirable political amendments and maintain the status quo (e.g., efforts to maintain current regulations and current policies, in the absence of sufficient flexibility, to take advantage of the change or loss of strategic value of resources and capabilities held; improving relations with authorities and/or intermediate networks with those who influence decision-makers to protect the interests of the company).
Proactive strategy Strategic measures are endeavored to influence public norms and policies (e.g., creating practices that others will follow; active involvement in industry associations and media activities; building a coalition of supporters).

Source: Adapted from Kulikowska-Pawlak (2018, p. 90).

Dependent variable

Organizational effectiveness: A close look at the construct of organizational effectiveness discloses various models oriented toward capturing the multidimensional nature of effectiveness (Cameron, 2010). The complex dimensions of corporate organizational effectiveness comprise objective measures (financial profitability and growth), competitive advantage, social efficiency, and value capture (Bratnicka-Myśliwiec, 2017). As it has already been stated, for practical reasons (ease of obtaining data for each element of the studied population), we used competitive advantage as a proxy for a company's organizational effectiveness for this article. Thus, the research perspective we adopted focuses on how OP influences competitive advantage (as one of the dimensions of the organizational effectiveness of an enterprise), estimated with the use of a previously validated scale (Zbierowski et al., 2014). The entire tool includes ten questions. A sample question is the following: “Average annual sales growth (net) in the last three years.” The scale in question is one-dimensional. Cronbach's alpha for this scale is 0.921. We also refer to the previous research of Kulikowska-Pawlak (2018a).

Control variables

Size of the enterprise – number of employees.

Period of the existence of the enterprise – the number of years of the enterprise has been in operation.

Industry in which the enterprise operates – using the methodological findings of Yamada & Eshima (2009), the industry was designated using a zero-one variable (for example, 1 – production, 0 – other sectors), while the European Classification of Activities was used for locating the enterprise in the industry, with the exception of two items due to the specific research object covering only medium and large enterprises, namely: public administration and national defense, legally guaranteed social welfare and households employing employees.

The research results were compiled using two statistical software packages: IBM SPSS Statistics ver. 20 and Statistica 12. The statistical tools were used to perform exploratory factor analysis (along with normalized VARIMAX rotation). The Sobel and Aroian tests were used to estimate the mediation (Hofmann, Griffin, & Gavin 2000; Raudenbush & Bryk, 2002).

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Hypothesis 1, which refers to the four dimensions of OP, has been confirmed in this section. The K-M-O test, which takes the value of 0.881, indicates that exploratory factor analysis can be used to isolate the main factors of OP. According to the scree criterion, four factors should be distinguished, explaining 60.717% of the initial variance (Table 2).

Factors for organizational politics

Factor 1Dominant coalition Factor 2Exerting the influence Factor 3Making changes organizational Factor 4Openness to information
Factor loadings a)
Employees build ties with influential groups inside and outside the company to influence strategic plans and directions of activities. 0.718 0.215 0.128 0.285
Employees make alliances and form coalitions or a collective front of a group of people, resulting in a highly influential part of the enterprise that no one will ever be able to oppose. 0.739 0.021 0.230 0.292
Employees seek rational justifications: they refer to facts, figures, figures, and the resulting logical arguments to increase the strength of their request or to justify a given point of view. 0.200 0.664 0.273 0.014
Employees try to gain control of important resources to strengthen their position. 0.684 0.155 0.367 −0.092
Employees perceive conflict as a characteristic feature of the situation and assume that the conflict can be resolved through the involvement of interested persons (e.g., through negotiation). 0.121 0.636 0.321 −0.217
Employees subtly maneuver, trying to hide their true intentions. 0.711 0.217 0.097 −0.223
Employees perceive power relations as natural. 0.168 0.778 −0.109 0.096
Employees use co-optation that relies on connecting with influential people or groups of people or including them in their sphere of influence to increase control over the opponent or to silence the opponent. 0.696 0.205 0.238 −0.151
Managers set a deadline for acceptance or action to ensure a sense of necessity to take action. 0.292 0.601 0.076 0.267
Employees express their opinions honestly, even when they are critical of the dominant ideas. −0.041 0.204 0.243 0.785
Employees do favors each other for their mutual benefit. −0.016 0.676 0.300 0.229
Employees use key managers to support initiatives taken, and mobilize support for or opposition to organizational strategies, policies, and practices. 0.352 0.274 0.660 −0.087
Employees strive to obtain their autonomy of actions allowing for experimentation and stimulation of bottom-up change. 0.272 0.180 0.748 0.094
Employees refer to the entity's goals, common values, and ideals to induce specific behaviors of other people. 0.122 0.342 0.542 0.189
Employees strive to determine what meaning should be attributed to new events. 0.117 0.073 0.698 0.269
Employees contest the current understanding of the organizational reality to move beyond the status quo. 0.463 −0.013 0.571 0.008
Explained value 3.130 2.700 2.717 1.168
Contribution 0.196 0.169 0.170 0.073

n = 355

Pearson's correlation coefficients between the items and dimensions (factors) they create

Source: Adapted from Kulikowska-Pawlak (2018, p. 96).

Moving on to the detailed results of the statistical analysis, it should be emphasized that factor 1 initially included five issues. Still, as a result of the exploratory study, one point was abandoned: “Employees subtly maneuver trying to hide their true intentions”. The remaining four issues characterize the formation of the dominant coalition. Cronbach's alpha value for this scale is 0.824. Factor 2 covers five topics. The exploratory analysis allowed us to maintain all five issues. The content of these factors consisted of strategies for exerting influence. The Cronbach's alpha value for this scale is 0.766. Factor 3 consisted of the five issues that remained after the confirmatory analysis. The content of this factor consisted of issues related to making changes. Cronbach's alpha value for this scale is 0.792. Finally, one point creates factor 4, which refers to information openness. The Cronbach's alpha value for this scale is 0.772. The section of hypothesis 1 that talks about the four dimensions of OP (referring to the various archetypes of OP: planning, learning, improvisational and entrepreneurial) has also been confirmed. Guided by the assumption that the enterprise is a multidimensional constellation of conceptually different characteristics that occur together because their mutual dependence causes them to create specific patterns (Plowman et al., 2007), one can try to link the empirically determined dimensions of OP with the appropriate archetypes. The factor of creating a dominant coalition can be applied to planning OP because it reflects the characteristic logic of power use related to the dominant coalition and hierarchical subordination. When viewed from the perspective of the concept of conflict values, the factor of exerting influence reflects the clan culture characteristic of improvising OP. Looking back through the prism of competing values, the factor of organizational change is inherent in innovation and continual change, which are the primary sources of organizational effectiveness of a company within the entrepreneurial OP archetype. Finally, the factor of organizational openness is characteristic of organizational learning as a fundamental organizational process and can therefore be attributed to the archetype of learning OP. However, after taking into account the content of specific issues that make up a given factor, it was decided that we would keep the original terminology used to describe the results of exploratory factor analysis. Consequently, it was assumed that OP is a construct characterized by four dimensions: the dominant coalition, exerting influence, making organizational changes, and informative openness. Thanks to the use of statistical analyses, hypothesis 1, stating that there are four dimensions of OP, was confirmed.

Hypothesis 2 states the relationship between the political management strategy and OP. Looking at the strategies of political management implemented by the surveyed enterprises, it should be noted that the reactive strategy, like the forward-looking strategy, occurred in 114 cases. In turn, the defensive strategy was typical for 81 enterprises. Only 46 enterprises implemented the proactive strategy. Looking at the results presented in Table 3, there are only three clear cases of the relationship between the political management strategy and organizational policing. When there is no defensive strategy, exerting influence as a dimension of OP is lower than when this strategy is present (Z = −1.75; p < 0.05). On the other hand, if there is no proactive strategy, both exerting influence (Z = −2.91; p < 0.01) and making organizational changes (Z = 2.09; p < 0.01) are higher than in the case of this strategy. Most dependencies have been falsified; therefore, hypothesis 2, concerning the strategy of political management, was not confirmed in the empirical material obtained.

U Mann Whitney dependency test scores between particular dimensions of the political management strategy and the dimensions of OP

Reactive strategy (n = 114) as independent value; Number of observations when the reactive strategy was not present n = 241

Average rank when the reactive strategy was not present Average rank when the reactive strategy was present U Mann Whitney statistics value p
Dominant coalition 175.5 183.2 −0.65 0.513
Exerting the influence 172.6 189.5 −1.45 0.146
Making organizational changes 175.1 184.2 −0.78 0.433
Openness to information 178.3 177.4 0.08 0.936
Anticipation strategy (n = 114); Number of observations when anticipation strategy was not present n = 241

Average rank when anticipation strategy was not present Average rank when anticipation strategy was present U Mann Whitney statistics value p
Dominant coalition 173.9 186.7 −1.10 0.271
Exerting the influence 181.5 170.6 0.93 0.351
Making organizational changes 173.2 188.2 −1.29 0.198
Openness to information 175.4 183.4 −0.70 0.485
Defensive strategy (n = 81); Number of observations when the defensive strategy was not present n = 274

Average rank when the defensive strategy was not present Average rank when the defensive strategy was present U Mann Whitney statistics value p
Dominant coalition 181.8 165.1 1.29 0.196
Exerting the influence 172.8 195.5 −1.75* 0.080
Making organizational changes 179.9 171.6 0.64 0.525
Openness to information 176.5 183.2 −0.53 0.595
Proactive strategy (n = 46); Number of observations when proactive strategy was not present n = 309

Average rank when the proactive strategy was not present Average rank when the proactive strategy was present U Mann Whitney statistics value p
Dominant coalition 179.7 166.3 0.83 0.408
Exerting the influence 184.1 137.0 2.91** 0.004
Making organizational changes 182.4 148.6 2.09** 0.037
Openness to information 181.1 157.0 1.52 0.128

p < 0,05

p < 0,01

p < 0,001

Source: Adapted from Kulikowska-Pawlak (2018).

Hypothesis 3 refers to the supposition that OP is positively related to the organizational effectiveness of the enterprise, understood to be a competitive advantage. The obtained results of empirical research constitute the content of Table 4. The striking main dependence is the relationship between making organizational changes, one of the four dimensions of OP, and the enterprise's competitive advantage (r = 0.23; p < 0.001; tau = 0.18; p < 0.001). Information openness plays a secondary role in shaping the company's competitive advantage (r = 0.15; p <0.01; tau = 0.12; p < 0.001). In the background of the impact of these two dimensions of OP, there is a dominant coalition (tau = 0.10; p < 0.01) exerting an influence (tau = 0.09; p < 0.01), the impact of which is statistically significant, although minimal. Either way, OP is an inalienable source of a company's competitive advantage. Overall, hypothesis 3 has been confirmed.

Correlation analysis scores between particular dimensions of OP and the competitive advantage (n = 355)

Correlation coefficient Dominant coalition Exerting the influence Making organizational changes Openness to information
r Pearson 0.08 0.07 0.23*** 0.15**
tau Kendall 0.10** 0.09** 0.18*** 0.12***

p < 0,05;

p < 0,01;

p < 0,001

Source: Adapted from Kulikowska-Pawlak (2018).

Hypothesis 4 included the supposition that organizational politics plays a mediating function between strategic political management and the organizational effectiveness of a company. The paper uses an alternative to the approach of Baron and Kenny (1986), the calculation method proposed by Cohen and Cohen (1983). Consequently, it was assumed that to detect mediation, it is sufficient to state that relations between strategic political management and OP, and also between OP and competitive advantage, are strong and statistically significant. Some researchers use three tests: the Sobel test, the Aroian test, and the Goodmann test (Kim & Tsai, 2012). However, the Goodmann test is omitted, mainly because it is recommended for small trials (MacKinnon, Lockwood, Hoffman, West, & Sheets, 2002). Following this lead, the statistics of Sobel and Aroian were used to analyze the mediating effects of OP. Thus, the applied approach departs from the relatively widespread use of Cohen and Cohen's mediation model to complement the classic Baron and Kenny approach. Admittedly, for some researchers, the applied formula for considering the analysis of mediation effects may be controversial, as it is fairly often recognized that the Cohen and Cohen method is a supplement to the method of mediation analysis proposed by Baron and Kenny (Bedyńska & Książek, 2012). However, it allows for a much more straightforward presentation of the mediating effects of OP, as it radically limits the number of mediation models considered that would arise in the case of the Baron and Kenny approach. Either way, it seems unlikely that following the traditional method would lead to different statistical analysis results.

Considering that we are dealing with a zero-one variable, in this case, the Mann-Whitney U test was used to analyze the correlation between strategic political management and competitive advantage. No statistically significant relationships were discovered in the case of the reactive, anticipatory, and proactive strategies, while a statistically significant relationship was observed for the defensive strategy Table 5. For this relationship, the mediating role of OP was considered.

U Mann Whitney dependency test scores between particular dimensions of the political management strategy and competitive advantage

Average rankNo Average rankYes U MannWhitney statistics p n No n Yes
Reactive strategy as an independent variable 172.6 189.4 −1.45 0.148 241 114
Anticipation strategy as an independent variable 173.8 186.9 −1.13 0.258 241 114
Defensive strategy as an independent variable 185.7 151.9 2.61 0.009 274 81
Proactive strategy as an independent variable 178.7 173.5 0.32 0.748 309 46

Source: Adapted from Kulikowska-Pawlak (2018).

Hypothesis 4 has been falsified, as the statistical analysis results shown in Table 6 illustrate.

Sobel and Aroian test scores for mediating effect of OP on political management strategy and competitive advantage

organizational politics
Dominant coalition Exerting the influence Making organizational changes Openness to information

Sobel statistics Aroian statistics Sobel statistics Aroian statistics Sobel statistics Aroian statistics Sobel statistics Aroian statistics
Political management strategy (defensive strategy) 0.721 0.600 −0.051 −0.049 1.249 1.193 0.613 0.548

Source: own compilation based on Kulikowska-Pawlak (2018).

The conducted analyses constitute a reasonable basis for the verification of the hypotheses. The base is primarily the analyses carried out on the entire model, presented in Figure 1. As Kenny and McCoach (2003) propose, the model should be extensive enough to allow for comprehensive and holistic incorporation of the interdependencies studied. Nevertheless, in circumstances that are difficult to predict, the influence of the number of variables on the measures of the model fit should be borne in mind. And the analyses presented in this article provide a good point of reference in this matter.

CONCLUSION

The analyses show that OP is a construct with four dimensions: planning, improvisational, learning, and entrepreneurial. They also confirm the supposition that OP is positively related to the organizational effectiveness of a company, understood as a competitive advantage. Yet we did not find enough evidence to support hypotheses about the relationship between strategic political management and OP and the mediating role of OP on the association of strategic political management and organizational effectiveness of the enterprise, which is understood to be a competitive advantage.

The study presented here has several limitations. First, it is based on the supposition that OP is a cross-cultural phenomenon. Although the authors believe the empirical results obtained should be reproducible under other national business cultures, it would be worth examining the influence of national culture on the dependencies analysed. Second, empirical data was collected simultaneously; thus, the reverse causality of the relationship between OP and the organizational effectiveness of the firm cannot be ruled out. Therefore, it is of utmost importance to design a longitudinal study in the future to identify the organizational effects of OP more precisely. Also, a longitudinal study would enrich our understanding of the processes related to OP within the organizations. Finally, it should be noted that the results obtained are not definitive nor universal.

Despite the indicated limitations of the presented study, the authors believe they took a step toward understanding the phenomenon of OP and its consequences for enterprises. Also, the study should be treated as a call for further research on OP, its effects, antecedents, and the role of the task environment.