The Austrian jurist Eugen Ehrlich (1862–1922) is considered not only one of the founders of the sociology of law but also a pioneer of legal pluralism. As a matter of fact, he conceptually and empirically analysed the coexistence of different normative orders within one and the same society. Ehrlich was born the son of a Jewish lawyer in Czernowitz,
Today, Czernowitz is called Chernivtsi (Чернівці). It is the capital of a province of the same name in western Ukraine. For pragmatic reasons, I will mainly use the historical form of geographical names throughout this article. No judgement whatsoever about any ›national‹ claims is intended. On Ehrlich’s biography, see Isabell Hensel: Eugen Ehrlich (1862–1922). Verbindungslinien zwischen Leben und Recht, in: Kritische Justiz (ed.): Streitbare JuristInnen. Eine andere Tradition, Baden-Baden 2016, pp. 163–186, at pp. 166–167; Stefan Machura: Eugen Ehrlich’s Legacy in Contemporary German Sociology of Law, in: Knut Papendorf / Stefan Machura / Anne Hellum (eds.): Eugen Ehrlich’s Sociology of Law, Berlin 2014, pp. 39–68, at pp. 39–41; Manfred Rehbinder: Die rechts- und staatswissenschaftliche Fakultät der Franz-Josephs-Universität in Czernowitz. Ihr Beitrag zur Erforschung des Rechts in einer multikulturellen Gesellschaft, in: Gerhard Hohloch / Rainer Frank / Peter Schlechtriem (eds.): Festschrift für Hans Stoll zum 75. Geburtstag, Tübingen 2001, pp. 327–344; Manfred Rehbinder: Die Begründung der Rechtssoziologie durch Eugen Ehrlich, Berlin 21986, pp. 13–28. Eugen Ehrlich: The National Problems in Austria, The Hague 1917. In Czernowitz, which had around 90,000 inhabitants on the eve of the First World War, newspapers appeared in six languages (German, Ukrainian, Polish, Romanian, Yiddish and Hebrew) and three alphabets (Latin, Cyrillic and Hebrew). The cultural club life was unusually dense. Convivial gatherings took place in ›National Houses‹ or private saloons. The city had several theatres (among them the Stadttheater, which was designed by the well-known architects Fellner and Helmer) and Vienna-style coffee houses. There were churches of numerous Christian denominations (Orthodox, Catholic and Protestant in different varieties) and dozens of synagogues. See Peter Rychlo: Czernowitz als geistige Lebensform. Die Stadt und ihre Kultur, in: Helmut Braun (ed.): Czernowitz. Die Geschichte einer untergegangenen Kulturmetropole, Berlin 32013, pp. 7–30. Ehrlich himself converted from the Mosaic faith to Catholicism. While some scholars felt the call to the – predominantly German-speaking – University of Czernowitz as an academic ›penal colony‹ in the back province, he was firmly established in his home town; cf. Rehbinder: Die rechts- und staatswissenschaftliche Fakultät, p. 330.
As Ehrlich noticed in his brief treatise »The Living Law of the Peoples in the Bukovina«, this pluralist situation also had implications for legal matters:
Eugen Ehrlich: Das lebende Recht der Völker der Bukowina, in: Eugen Ehrlich (ed.): Recht und Leben. Gesammelte Schriften zur Rechtstatsachenforschung und zur Freirechtslehre, ausgewählt und eingeleitet von Dr. Manfred Rehbinder, Berlin 1967, pp. 43–60, at p. 43 [first appeared in: Recht und Wirtschaft 1 (1912), pp. 273–279, 322–324].
Ehrlich coined the term Eugen Ehrlich: Fundamental Principles of the Sociology of Law, translated by Walter L. Moll, New Brunswick/London 2002 [1936], p. 37 [first appeared as: Grundlegung der Soziologie des Rechts, München/Leipzig 1913]. Ehrlich: Fundamental Principles, p. 39. Cf. Salif Nimaga: Pounding on Ehrlich. Again?, in: Marc Hertogh (ed.): Living Law. Reconsidering Eugen Ehrlich, Oxford/Portland 2009, pp. 157–175; Marc Hertogh: A ›European‹ Conception of Legal Consciousness: Rediscovering Eugen Ehrlich, in: Journal of Law and Society 31 (2004), pp. 457–481; David Nelken: Law in Action or Living Law? Back to the Beginning in Sociology of Law, in: Legal Studies 4 (1984), pp. 157–174. Ehrlich: Fundamental Principles, p. lix.
Consequently, Ehrlich acknowledged the existence of societal legal norms, which he understood to be more than mere customs, even when they contradicted state laws – such as, e.g. certain patriarchal social structures in rural Bukovina:
Ehrlich: Fundamental Principles, pp. 369–370.
Notwithstanding their intrinsic normative quality, Ehrlich regarded such social rules as, at any rate, a highly relevant subject matter of legal science.
Cf. Ehrlich: Die Erforschung des lebenden Rechts, in: Ehrlich (ed.): Recht und Leben, pp. 11–27, at p. 20 [first appeared in: Schmollers Jahrbuch für Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung und Volkswirtschaft im Deutschen Reich 35 (1911), pp. 129–147]. Ehrlich: Fundamental Principles, p. 165. Ehrlich: Fundamental Principles, pp. 61–82.
Ehrlich considered it one task of jurisprudence to empirically examine the law that is actually practised in society. From 1909 until the outbreak of the First World War, he held his »Seminar for Living Law« at the University of Czernowitz, in which he and his students researched – through excursions to farming villages and commercial enterprises and by analysing legal documents – those rules that were actually significant in legal transactions.
Cf. Rehbinder: Die Begründung der Rechtssoziologie, pp. 31–33. Ehrlich: Das lebende Recht, pp. 49–55. Ehrlich: Fundamental Principles, p. 493. Ehrlich: Das lebende Recht, pp. 49–54.
Ehrlich’s research programme can be regarded as an ambitious blueprint for cultural-anthropological and socio-legal field studies. What is more, by prudently instructing his students »that it does not depend on what the interviewees say, because this will often only be their own moral conviction«
Ehrlich: Das lebende Recht, p. 45. Cf. Christian Fleck: Rund um »Marienthal«. Von den Anfängen der Soziologie in Österreich bis zu ihrer Vertreibung, Wien 1990, pp. 58–59, 211. Eugen Ehrlich: Gutachten über die Frage: Was kann geschehen, um bei der Ausbildung (vor oder nach Abschluß des Universitätsstudiums) das Verständnis des Juristen für psychologische, wirtschaftliche und soziologische Fragen in erhöhtem Maße zu fördern?, in: Ehrlich (ed.): Recht und Leben, pp. 61–79, at p. 73 [first appeared in: Verhandlungen des 31. Deutschen Juristentages, Vol. 2, Berlin 1912, pp. 200–220]. Ehrlich: Das lebende Recht, p. 55–60. Cf. Theodor Sternberg: Historische Methode und Historismus in der Rechtswissenschaft [1940], in: Theodor Sternberg (ed.): Zur Methodenfrage der Rechtswissenschaft und andere juristische Schriften, ausgewählt und eingeleitet von Manfred Rehbinder, Berlin 1988, pp. 137–162, at p. 160. Eugen Ehrlich: Ein Institut für lebendes Recht, in: Ehrlich (ed.): Recht und Leben, pp. 28–42, at p. 38 [first appeared in: Juristische Blätter 33 (1911), pp. 229–231 and 241–244]. Ehrlich: Die Erforschung, p. 23. Ehrlich: Die Erforschung, p. 25. Ehrlich: Das lebende Recht, p. 46. Ehrlich: Gutachten, p. 72.
More than a century after the publication of Ehrlich’s treatise on the Bukovina, the German legal scholar, Gunnar Folke Schuppert, has called this historical regional entity »a virtual Mecca for legal sociologists«.
Gunnar Folke Schuppert: The World of Rules. A Somewhat Different Measurement of the World, Frankfurt am Main 2017, p. 263. It is not true that the Bukovina »now belongs to Ukraine«, as Schuppert (ibid) writes. Since 1947 (Paris Treaties), the southern part of the former Habsburg duchy forms a part of Romania. Cf. Machura: Eugen Ehrlich’s Legacy, pp. 46–63; Klaus A. Ziegert: Beyond ›Living Law‹: Eugen Ehrlich’s General Theory of Law, in: Papendorf / Machura / Hellum (eds.): Eugen Ehrlich’s Sociology of Law, pp. 17–38; Knut Papendorf: A Voyage of Discovery: Eugen Ehrlich in Scandinavia, in: Papendorf / Machura / Hellum (eds.): Eugen Ehrlich’s Sociology of Law, pp. 115–132; David Nelken: Ehrlich’s Legacies: Back to the Future in the Sociology of Law?, in: Hertogh (ed.): Living Law, pp. 237–272. See Hans Kelsen / Eugen Ehrlich (eds.): Rechtssoziologie und Rechtswissenschaft: Eine Kontroverse (1915/17). Mit einer Einführung von Klaus Lüderssen, Baden-Baden 2003. Cf. Machura: Eugen Ehrlich’s Legacy, pp. 49–59. Klaus Röhl, for instance, labels Ehrlich‘s broad societal understanding of legal normativity as tautological ›Panjurismus‹; see Klaus F. Röhl: Rechtssoziologie. Ein Lehrbuch, Köln et al. 1987, p. 216; cf. recently also Peter Koller: Eugen Ehrlich, in: Karl Acham (ed.): Die Soziologie und ihre Nachbardisziplinen im Habsburgerreich. Wien 2020, pp. 480–488, at p. 483. Niklas Luhmann: A Sociological Theory of Law, London 22014 [1985], p. 18 [first appeared as: Rechtssoziologie, Reinbek 1972].
However, it was precisely the fuzzy, fluid, open, chaotic and decentralised nature of Ehrlich’s concept of living law that attracted a new generation of academics engaging in critical or postmodern discourses,
»Postmodern jurists love legal pluralism. They do not care about the law of the centralized state with its universalist aspirations. It is the ›asphalt law‹ of the Brasilian Sally Engle Merry: Legal Pluralism, in: Law & Society Review 22 (1988), pp. 869–896, at p. 870. John Griffiths: What is Legal Pluralism?, in: Journal of Legal Pluralism 24 (1986), pp. 1–55, at pp. 1–4. Gunther Teubner: ›Global Bukowina‹: Legal Pluralism in the World Society, in: Gunther Teubner (ed.): Global Law without a State, Aldershot 1997, pp. 3–28, at p. 3 [first appeared as: »Globale Bukowina. Zur Emergenz eines transnationalen Rechtspluralismus«, Rechtshistorisches Journal 15 (1996), pp. 255–290]. Teubner: Global Bukowina, p. 7.
Stefan Kadelbach and Klaus Günther – obviously referring to Teubner – have even recently presented a taxonomy of legal pluralist phenomena in which they distinguish no less than three versions of ›Bukovina‹: a Stefan Kadelbach / Klaus Günther: Recht ohne Staat?, in: Stefan Kadelbach / Klaus Günther (eds.): Recht ohne Staat? Zur Normativität nichtstaatlicher Rechtsetzung, Frankfurt am Main 2011, pp. 9–48. Cf. Lisa Hahn: Entgrenzte Bukowina. Was ist und leistet Recht in einer normpluralistischen Perspektive?, in: Ethik und Gesellschaft 2/2018, online: Stefan Machura: German sociology of law: a case of path dependency, in: International Journal of Law in Context 8 (2012), pp. 506–523, at p. 507. Karl Emil Franzos, Aus Halb-Asien. Culturbilder aus Galizien, der Bukowina, Südrußland und Rumänien, Erster Band, Leipzig 1876. Bernd Weiler: E Pluribus Unum? The Kakanian Intellectual and the Question of Cultural Pluralism (conference paper, Oxford 2002), online:
Given Ehrlich’s remarks concerning the relative meaninglessness of the Austrian Civil Code in the Bukovina and the metaphoric equation of the latter with a legal sphere beyond the state in contemporary socio-legal discourses, one would expect very little demand for civil procedural remedies before state courts in the easternmost crown land of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Indeed, in an 1867 speech by Adolf Ficker, the later president of the Central Commission of Statistics in Cisleithania, the Bukovina was mentioned (together with Galicia) as having by far the lowest civil trial rates of the entire state territory.
Adolf Ficker: Rechtspflege. Vortrag, gehalten am 17., 21., 24. und 28. Januar 1867, in: Statistisch-administrative Vorträge auf Veranstaltung der k. k. Statistischen Central-Commission, Wien 1867, pp. 145–180, at p. 178. Following the common usage of the term in socio-legal texts, ›litigation rate‹ here always denominates the number of (incoming, or, if not available, finished) contentious civil cases of first instance per population size.
Whereas the kink in the time series between 1873 and 1874 might be attributable to the then financial crisis (›Founders’ crash‹),
Cf. Christian Wollschläger: Die Arbeit der europäischen Zivilgerichte im historischen und internationalen Vergleich. Zeitreihen der europäischen Zivilprozeßstatistik seit den 19. Jahrhundert, in: Erhard Blankenburg (ed.): Prozeßflut? Indikatorenvergleich von Rechtskulturen auf dem europäischen Kontinent, Köln 1988, pp. 21–114, at p. 64. Cf. Peter G. Mayr: Erster Teil: Einführung, Grundlagen und Grundsätze, in: Peter G. Mayr / Georg E. Kodek (eds.): Zivilprozessrecht, Wien 42018, pp. 43–44. See Josef Kaserer (ed.): Das Gesetz vom 27. April 1873 über das Verfahren in geringfügigen Rechtssachen (Bagatellverfahren) mit Materialien, Wien 1873, p. 42. Cf. Kaserer (ed.): Das Gesetz vom 27. April 1873 über das Mahnverfahren mit Materialien, Wien 1873, pp. 33 and 38.
Apart from these legal prerequisites for the growing mobilisation of courts, however, next to nothing is known about the societal determinants of the Habsburg Empire’s spatially and temporally varying litigation rates. The Monarchy’s civil justice statistics – which are, compared to later standards, astonishingly rich – have attracted hardly any scientific attention at all, neither as a socio-legal data source nor as an object of historical scholarship in its own right. Since 1898, the year in which the new Code of Civil Procedure came into force, the litigation rates in Bukovina were on average 2.5 times higher than in the entire territory of the Austrian half of the empire. Figure 2 illustrates the geographical distribution of civil cases per population in 1910 by regional court districts. Apart from Bukovina, the demand for lawsuits was highest in Galicia, parts of Dalmatia and the metropolitan areas of Vienna and Trieste. By contrast, civil courts were least utilised in Upper Austria, Southern Bohemia and the Italian-language part of Tyrol. When the data are not classified by quantiles (left map), but by equal intervals (right map), the Bukovina’s saliently high litigation rate becomes all the more apparent. In 1912, a total of 269 lawsuits per 1,000 inhabitants was filed, which is remarkable by both historical and international standards of comparison.
Cf. the statistical data in: Marc Galanter: Reading the Landscape of Disputes: What We Know and Don’t Know (and Think We Know) about Our Allegedly Contentious and Litigious Society, in: UCLA Law Review 31 (1983), pp. 4–71, at pp. 35–52; David S. Clark: Civil Litigation Trends in Europe and Latin America since 1945: The Advantage of Intracountry Comparisons, in: Law & Society Review 24 (1990), pp. 549–569, at pp. 559–564; Wollschläger: Die Arbeit der europäischen Zivilgerichte, p. 104; Christian Wollschläger: Exploring Global Landscapes of Litigation Rates, in: Jürgen Brand / Dieter Strempel (eds.): Soziologie des Rechts. Festschrift für Erhard Blankenburg zum 60. Geburtstag, Baden-Baden 1998, pp. 577–588, at pp. 587–588; Walter Fuchs: Prozessebbe: Wo liegen die Gründe? Das Sinken der Klagezahlen aus rechtssoziologischer Sicht, in: Österreichisches Anwaltsblatt 2019, pp. 451–460.
However, the overall socio-spatial pattern of civil court use defies straightforward economic or ›cultural‹ explanations. Although small claims before district courts made up a large part of the judges’ business volume in the Bukovina, proceedings before its regional courts in Czernowitz and Suczawa (with higher amounts in dispute) were also relatively heavily used. Only Vienna and Lemberg had higher rates of lawsuits before regional courts. In general, as Figure 3 (left plot) shows, these rates were strongly correlated with the amount of civil cases before district courts per population. There is also a very clear statistical association between the regional court litigation rate and the density of attorneys (right plot in Figure 3).
The (log-log) correlation between the density of advocates and the overall litigation rate (r = 0.46) is somewhat less impressive, but also clearly visible.
What were the reasons for the surprisingly high demand for civil justice in the Bukovina? Although it is beyond the scope of this article to address this question in a comprehensive manner, a quick glance at contemporary discourses might provide some hints. First of all, it is interesting to see that the official statistical publications themselves offered hardly any explanation for the regional disparities that they had so meticulously displayed in numerous tables. Rather, their focus was to prove the – politically intended – effectiveness and expeditiousness of the new civil procedure.
Cf. K.k. Statistische Zentralkommission (ed.): Österreichische Justiz-Statistik. Ein Handbuch für die Justizverwaltung, Dritter Jahrgang 1912, Wien 1915, pp. 134–145; Hugo Forcher: Die theoretischen Grundlagen der Verwaltungsstatistik im engeren Sinne nebst einem praktischen Anhange, Statistische Monatsschrift XX (1915), pp. 76–156. K.k. Justizministerium (ed.): Materialien zu den neuen österreichischen Civilprocessgesetzen, 1. Band, Wien 1897, p. 643. K.k. Justizministerium (ed.): Materialien, p. 764. See, e.g., the following newspaper articles whose full text is available at the Austrian National Library’s digital archive ANNO ( On litigiousness and prejudices against Jews cf. Marc Galanter: The Conniving Claimant: Changing Images of Misuse of Legal Remedies, in: DePaul Law Review 50 (2000), pp. 647–666. See also the statistically well-documented proposal to the Parliament by the Bukovinian deputy Benno Straucher, which is quoted in full length in: Czernowitzer Tagblatt, 16. 7. 1909, pp. 3–4; 17. 7. 1909, pp. 3–4; 18. 7. 1909, pp. 4–5; 20. 7. 1909, p. 3; 21. 7. 1909, pp. 3–4; 25. 7. 1909, pp. 4–5. Czernowitzer Tagblatt, 30. 5. 1909, pp. 2–6.
The participants in the newspaper’s probe were asked about the reasons for the judges’ high caseload. Apart from obvious conditions of scarce human resources, some respondents mentioned socioeconomic causes for the heavy reliance on civil justice and drew a vivid picture of pauperism in the Bukovina. According to them, many of the region’s inhabitants experienced difficulty earning a living. The lack of any noteworthy industrial structures obviously caused a massive shortage of capital mostly affecting the smallholding farmers. For every wedding or funeral in their often-large families, they had to raise a loan from private lenders on disadvantageous terms or sell a small piece of land, which further contributed to the already-existing inefficient fragmentation of real estate property. The latter triggered numerous boundary disputes, the more so as many transactions were not properly recorded in the land title register – following a ›living‹ legal custom of oral land sales. This, in turn, could be utilised by speculators who bought registered parcels in order to sue the unofficial owners. What is more, the high illiteracy rate
Although illiteracy rates quickly dropped in the Carpathian lands (1890: 69.3%; 1900: 56.9%; 1910: 41.9%), according to the official censuses, more than half of the Bukovinian population (53.9%, as opposed to 16.5% in the entire Austrian half of the Habsburg Empire and 3.9% in the Alpine lands) >10 years old still could neither read nor write in 1910. See k.k. Statistische Zentralkommission (ed.): Die Ergebnisse der Volkszählung vom 31. Dezember 1910 in den im Reichsrate vertretenen Königreichen und Ländern. Die Bevölkerung nach der Gebürtigkeit, Religion und Umgangssprache in Verbindung mit dem Geschlechte, nach dem Bildungsgrade und Familienstande; die körperlichen Gebrechen; die soziale Gliederung der Haushaltungen, Wien 1914, pp. 41–42.
From a sociological point of view, it is tempting to analyse these circumstances in (Durkheimian) terms of anomie and thus interpreting the high litigation rate as a sign of societal disintegration in times of rapid socioeconomic change.
Cf. Emile Durkheim: Suicide. A Study in Sociology, New York 1951. Cf. Rudolf Wassermann: Der soziale Zivilprozeß. Zur Theorie und Praxis des Zivilprozesses im sozialen Rechtsstaat, Neuwied/Darmstadt 1978, pp. 52–57; Walter H. Rechberger: Die Ideen Franz Kleins und ihre Bedeutung für die Entwicklung des Zivilprozessrechts in Europa, in: Ritsumeikan Law Review 28 (2008), pp. 101–110; Mayr: Einführung, pp. 43–44. Klemens Kaps: Ungleiche Entwicklung in Zentraleuropa. Galizien zwischen überregionaler Verflechtung und imperialer Politik (1772–1914), Wien/Köln/Weimar 2015.
At first sight, the strikingly high civil litigation rates in the Bukovina of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy’s latest decades are difficult to reconcile with Ehrlich’s simultaneously developed findings on the indigenous living law of the region’s different peoples. When Ehrlich dismissed the law of the Austrian Civil Code as relatively meaningless in his home province, did he overlook an important aspect of legal practice that must have had a significant impact on daily social life? First of all, it is important to note that some features of the ancient rural customary law may in fact have amplified the mobilisation of state courts, at least against the background of economically deteriorating circumstances, namely the habit of purely oral transactions (even on land sales) in a widely illiterate yet multilingual society. Furthermore, even though Ehrlich mentioned litigation and arbitration in his questionnaire, it had a relatively strong focus on family matters, which in fact could hardly be controlled by the state’s enlightened liberal statutory civil law at all – probably not only in the Bukovina, but also on Dalmatian islands or in the Upper Austrian hills, in Tyrolian side valleys or, for that matter, in aristocratic palaces or in the crowded proletarian outskirts of Vienna. Moreover, due to his theoretical focus on actually practised private law, Ehrlich may simply not have been very interested in the enforcement of rights before state courts. When dispute arises in one out of hundred transactions and a lawsuit is filed during one out of hundred justiciable disputes,
These proportions are admittedly arbitrary, yet not completely unrealistic, in the light of socio-legal insights; see e.g. Herbert M. Kritzer: Claiming Behaviour as Legal Mobilization, in: Peter Cane / Herbert M. Kritzer (eds.): The Oxford Handbook of Empirical Legal Research, Oxford 2010, pp. 260–284. Cf. the sociological account of law’s power by Pierre Bourdieu: The Force of Law: Toward a Sociology of the Juridical Field, in: Hastings Law Journal 38 (1987), pp. 805–853. Source: see Appendix; K.k. Statistische Zentralkommission (ed.), Tafelwerk zur österreichischen Justiz-Statistik. Ein Quellenwerk für justizstatistische Forschungen, Erster Jahrgang 1910, Wien 1913. Cf. Niklas Luhmann’s argument against Theodor Geiger’s empiricistic concept of legal effectivity; Luhmann, A Sociological Theory of Law, p. 22.
However, Ehrlich was well aware of the difficult social conditions that most likely gave rise to the enormous penchant for litigation in the Bukovina. In one of his political essays,
Eugen Ehrlich: Die Aufgaben der Sozialpolitik im österreichischen Osten (Juden- und Bauernfrage), München/Leipzig 41915 [1909]. To a certain extent, such a stance is mirrored in a passage of Robert Musil’s famous chapter on Kakania in his »Man without Qualities«: »In this country one acted – sometimes to the highest degree of passion and its consequences – differently from the way one thought, or one thought differently from the way one acted. Uninitiated observers have mistaken this for charm, or even for a weakness of what they thought to be the Austrian character. But they were wrong; it is always wrong to explain what happens in a country by the character of its inhabitants. For the inhabitant of a country has at least nine characters: a professional, a national, a civic, a class, a geographic, a sexual, a conscious, an unconscious, and possibly even a private character to boot.«; Robert Musil: The Man Without Qualities, London 1995, p. 30. Ehrlich: Die Aufgaben der Sozialpolitik, p. 30.
Ehrlich: Ein Institut für lebendes Recht, pp. 32–33.
In this paper, Eugen Ehrlich’s notion of living law was introduced as a concept of multi-normativity. The culturally pluralist character of his home province, Bukovina, led Ehrlich to empirically explore the legal customs of its different ethnic groups as actually practised. With his approach to the study of law’s role in society, Ehrlich is rightly considered a pioneer not only of the sociology of law but also of legal pluralism and qualitative social research. As Ehrlich stressed the role of private societal legal transactions, his place of activity became a metaphor for a law beyond the state. However, the textbook narrative that Austrian state law has been ›dead‹ in the easternmost crown land of the Habsburg Empire does not stand up to closer historical and sociological scrutiny. In fact, the Bukovina, in which a law faculty was established in 1875, witnessed an extraordinarily high litigation rate during the monarchy’s last decades. Apart from precarious economic conditions, this situation was most likely an unintended consequence of civil procedural reforms. Plaintiffs actually used the new opportunities for the enforcement of legal claims, »often appropriating them for their own purposes or reinterpreting them to fit their interests«,
Pieter M. Judson: The Habsburg Empire: A New History, Cambridge, MA 2016, p. 4.