Online veröffentlicht: 27. Okt. 2023
Seitenbereich: 67 - 146
DOI: https://doi.org/10.2478/bjals-2023-0011
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© 2024 Zygmont Pines, published by Sciendo
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 3.0 License.
In a world of uncertainty, humanity has demonstrated an insatiable desire and quest for boundless knowledge to anticipate and resolve the problems of reality. Early in Goethe's
As a general rule, put your trust in
They’ll guide you safely past doubt and dubiety
Into the Temple of Absolute Certainty.
But shouldn’t words convey ideas, a meaning?
Of course they should! But why overdo it?
It's exactly when ideas are wanting,
Words come in so handy as a substitute.
With words we argue pro and con,
With words invent a whole system.
Believe in words! Have faith in them!
No jot or tittle shall pass from them. (3)
Goethe portrays Dr. Faust as a despondent scholar on the point of suicide stemming from his overwhelming sense of intellectual emptiness and futility. In his despair Faust turns to magic and conjures a world of spirits, eventually bartering his soul with Mephisto in return for the prospect of unlimited knowledge and sensual pleasure. Goethe's story begins with Faust at his desk when Mephisto suddenly appears. (4) In the tragedy, Mephisto, who personifies both supreme intelligence and cynical wit, serves as Goethe's literary device, providing a supernatural element into Faust's dark scholarly world.
Reason and rationality often appear to represent a line of demarcation between the worlds of reality and make-believe. Our legal profession basks in the comfortable conceit that law embodies eminent reason and rationality, far removed from fantasy or fiction. As Owen Fiss once observed in his reflections about the presence of passion in the law, “[T]he judicial decision may be seen as the paragon of all rational decisions, especially public ones.” (5) Magical devices, however, are not limited to the world of fiction. Commenting on “imagination's rationality,” American philosopher Robert Nozick remarked that imagination plays an important role in the rationality of belief. (6)
Faust's story serves as a reminder that rationality is not impervious to the forces of imaginative reasoning. H. L. A. Hart said that Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes represented a “heroic figure in jurisprudence” for Englishmen because of Holmes’ imaginative power and clarity. (7) Language is law's vehicle for imaginatively expressing and manifesting rationality. (8) To be frank, judges are pre-eminent alchemists of language – semantic sorcerers who will, at times, engage in a divination-like process and resort to a fictional literary device akin to “magical realism.” (9) It is through this magical process that fiction paradoxically provides the jurist a portal to wisdom. In their deep-seated desire and obligation to do justice, judges naturally seek to overcome the frustrating limitations of knowledge, uncertainty, and cognitive capacity. (10) Like Faust, judicial decision-makers will sometimes resort to the metaphysical and find themselves in a magical or mystical kingdom, one that is inhabited by a spectral presence we affectionately call “the reasonable person.” (11) This reasonable person has lived with us for many years. (12) Judges (and juries) have engaged in séance-like encounters with this faceless and voiceless apparition to intuit guidance and direction in problem-solving. In trying to discern reality and provide justice, the decision-maker engages in a creative, imaginative reasoning process, asking: What does this reasonable person see, think, advise?
Lois Parkinson Zamora provided a perspective as to the significance of such metaphoric devices: “Ghosts embody the fundamental magical realist sense that reality always exceeds our capacities to describe or understand or prove…Magical realist [devices] ask us to look beyond the limits of the knowable and ghosts are often our guides.”
(13) The pronouncements of this fictitious reasonable person have been integral to the law's decision-making.
(14) Like the symbol of Mephisto, the ghost-like reasonable person has served as law's muse, a wisdom whisperer, a metaphorical
(15) fabrication of the understanding (that we lack) and an adaptive heuristic (that we need)
(16) to help us respond to perplexing circumstances and uncertainty.
(17) The paradox is that out of a need for objectivity and rationality in decision-making, the law has had to imagine and rely on its own form of magical realism—
Impartiality, in substance and appearance, is a foundational principle of fair judicial decision-making. Appearance-based recusal has become an increasingly controversial and inadequately understood concept.
(20) In today's legal world, as evidenced by the thousands of state and federal cases addressing judicial disqualification, there are incalculable ways for a judge to simply express, often through a detailed narrative of facts, “I refuse to recuse.” or, less often, “I recuse.”
(21) Whether a judge is ethically qualified to adjudicate a case is governed by specific standards for disqualification, more commonly referred to as “recusal.”
(22) A judge's decision-making must be impartial in both substance and appearance. The over-arching recusal standard or rule,
(23) applicable to state and federal jurists in the United States,
(24) is an exemplar of lexical simplicity. The ethical mandate to recuse is expressed in just five little words—a jurist must recuse when his or her
The deceptive simplicity of the five-word ethical mandate of recusal reminds one of what a philosopher once warned about the challenges of interpretation: “Language is a labyrinth of paths. You approach from one side and know your way about; you approach the same place from another side and no longer know your way about.”
(28) Like the approach in common law countries, the appearance-based recusal standard in the United States embodies the elusive notion of
Clarity of language is essential for interpretation and rational decision-making. Clarity's goal is to approximate a modicum of certainty or, at least, predictability in decision-making.
(30) Sometimes the wisdom and experience of others can provide guidance. As Justice Stephen Breyer and other legal commentators have noted, a key component of legal reasoning is comparison.
(31) When it comes to the rule of law, the best way to identify and preserve American values may well be to take account of what happens elsewhere. Justice Breyer explained:
In the last several decades, more and more nations throughout the world have adopted documents that increasingly resemble our own Constitution and protect democracy and human rights. More and more, they look to independent judges to apply those documents. So if I have a legal problem similar to a problem that a person like me with a job like mine has already faced and decided, why shouldn’t I read what he said? I don’t have to agree. It does not bind me. I don’t have to follow it.
(32)
The comparative approach makes eminent sense especially when we consider universal fundamental values such as judicial impartiality and the appearance of justice. A legal commentator has observed that there are no pure identities or traditions -- we live in legal families that represent hybrids, constantly bleeding into one another and in constant contact with one another. (33) Despite the understandable exceptional pride of Americans in their legal system, our jurisprudential roots are in the Magna Carta and English common law. (34) From the beginning of our Republic, we have relied on common law, which is the most widespread legal system in the world. (35) In recognition of these legal realities, scholars have urged that there should be a transnational judicial dialogue and “intellectual cross-fertilization of ideas,” (36) a “dialogue of recognition” (37) so to speak, with others who see things differently than we do.
This article regarding appearance-based recusal will expand the traditional analytical aperture. We will examine the wisdom and experience of our legal relatives from various common law-based countries (Australia, Canada, Singapore, South Africa, United Kingdom). It is important to note that these countries have tackled the difficult issue of appearance-based recusal in a manner that has been thought-provoking and enlightening. An examination of caselaw and legal commentaries from those countries will reveal a remarkable similarity of fundamental ethical values, as well as related jurisprudential challenges. Regardless of our geographical separation or cultural differences, the common problem has
If, as Nozick contends, principles symbolize and express our rational nature, we need to be alert to how we reason and interpret, ever-alert to our cognitive weaknesses as we engage in the process of creating ethical beliefs and action from a mysterious alchemy of words. (38) As Nozick emphasizes, a belief is rational if it is arrived at through a process that reliably and predictably achieves certain goals. (39) In the recusal context, the goal is both symbolic and practical—to protect the appearance of impartiality, which is essential to the public's trust and confidence in our legal system and the rule of law; and, through interpretation, to attain a serviceable—not perfect or precise—theoretical framework (heuristic) that aids judges in serving justice through fair recusal decision-making. (40) Contrary to Mephisto's advice, the Temple of Absolute Certainty (41) is a delusion. This article will assess appearance-based recusal from multiple perspectives in the hope of identifying essential analytical considerations and principles. The recommended approach attempts to reveal and fill the jurisprudential void by providing greater conceptual clarity. It is an approach that strives to be faithful to both the letter and spirit of the appearance principle of judicial impartiality.
The article will proceed in the following manner.
Decision-making is a complex process. Humans are equipped with logic in their search for truth. (43) Judges, of course, are human; (44) they operate through the process of reasoning and various mechanisms (concepts, tests, principles, standards), to facilitate and channel “rational” judgment. (45) The reasoning process operates on two levels: the intuitional (referred to as “System 1”) and deliberative (“System 2”). (46) Contrary to the “beautiful fiction” of “unbounded rationality,” (47) logical thinking is not central to human reasoning. (48) The brain is efficient but cognitively limited. (49)
Although the ideal of attaining perfect rationality may be an enticing illusion, humans have developed ways to compensate for the perils of fallibility inherent in the complex process of decision-making. Heuristics operate as aids or efficient mental shortcuts for decision-making. (50) Gerd Gigenrenzer offers the example of an outfielder catching a fly ball and simultaneously trying to solve a series of differential equations. The outfielder's task is formidable. In employing a “gaze heuristic,” the catcher assesses the speed, height, distance, and trajectory of the fly ball to achieve a simple objective. (51) Gigerenzer explains that humans have an arsenal of similar cognitive aides in their “adaptive tool kit” of heuristics. For example, taking the best option, following the majority, selecting on the basis of representative familiarity (e.g., similar circumstances or name/cultural/political affiliations) are heuristics that promote “fast and frugal” decision-making. (52) Some heuristics are psychologically innate or intuitive, like using oneself as a frame of reference (“anchoring”) or even trying (and often failing to achieve) a course-correction (“adjusting”) to the egocentric bias anchor. (53)
Heuristics can serve as quick and efficient short-cuts for judges to streamline and channel their decision-making in the face of uncertainty and other pressures (such as time, efficiency, limited resources, and political conditions). Although judges may believe that they are not susceptible to systematic errors of judgment, studies show judges are subject to a range of cognitive illusions. (54) While helpful and necessary, heuristics can lead to systematically erroneous judgments inasmuch as judges tend to favor intuitive (System 1) rather than deliberative (System 2) faculties. (55) Bias and error, for example, can be the consequence of ignoring important information, relying on stereotypes, using one's beliefs and values as a metric, and resorting to quick “common sense” rationales or impressionistic reasoning. (56) In the difficult search for predictive accuracy, it is laziness or ignorance, a failure in System 2's deliberative function, that may lead to faulty and overconfident judgments. (57)
Heuristic devices support decision-making. The legal world depends on them. For judges, who are viewed as relying on logic and reasoning, the concept of “reasonableness” plays a critical role. The reasonable man (or reasonable person) (58) standard is an example of a heuristic reasoning device, based on an idealized and abstract construct, ubiquitous in the world of torts and contracts. (59) A related heuristic, “the reasonable observer,” (60) has come into play, for example, in two instances: when a determination must be made whether a judge's “impartiality might reasonably be questioned,” requiring disqualification/recusal; or when a court must constitutionally interpret the public's perception of a religious symbol that is associated, directly or indirectly, with the government. Such an open-ended and ambiguous fictional construct presents significant questions: Who is this reasonable observer? What does the reasonable observer see? How does the reasonable observer think? And, most importantly, what do we mean by “reasonable?” The following considerations provide some foundational elements and concepts that will be relevant to the development of a heuristic to guide the recusal process.
“Reasonable” is a quality that permeates the domain of law, including the judicial ethic of recusal. The appearance-based recusal standard of reasonableness is both adjectival and adverbial: operating implicitly (
A dictionary definition of “reasonable” provides limited guidance. If one analogizes “reasonable” to a navigational device, it is more akin to a compass than a GPS. (61) It can provide direction in a general sense, but it cannot identify the precise location. For example, reasonable is definitionally identified in varying terms: right-thinking judgment, not absurd or ridiculous, within bounds of reason, sensible. (62) Justice O’Connor approached the term from another Wittgenstein-like (63) angle when she described the meaning of “unreasonable.” She said: “[T]he term ‘unreasonable’ is no doubt difficult to define but it is a common term in the legal world and, accordingly, federal judges are familiar with its meaning.” (64) One can, therefore, appreciate a law professor's lament when he acknowledged in an article that he pities the municipal lawyer who must explain to others the meaning of “reasonable” in an ordinance. (65) Scottish law professor, Neil MacCormick, said he found reasonableness to be a puzzling and fascinating, a context-driven concept. (66)
In analyzing the kaleidoscopic-like concept of “reasonable,” scholars have generally noted its complexity and ubiquity in philosophy, economics, and in many areas of Anglo-American law (torts, contracts, criminal, administrative, constitutional, trusts). (67) On the positive side, commentators have expressed reasonableness as “law's conscience,” one that embraces two seemingly inconsistent ideals (justice/equity and conformity); (68) a higher order value; (69) a normative term that should embody the ethic of care and concern for others; (70) in tort law, reasonable signifies prudence, care, a community ideal, combining both subjective and objective ingredients; (71) and, in contract law, it is a “metaphorical solvent” that promotes the goal of “objectivity” in decision-making. (72).
Nevertheless, there are negative assessments to explain why there is considerable frustration and confusion about the multivalent legal standard of reasonableness. Benjamin Zipursky noted that reasonable and its cognates are often used as a vague Goldilocks’ “just right” qualifier in law.
(73) To use another analogy, reasonableness is like another societal icon,
Consequently, various commentaries lead one to the conclusion that there is no practical or principled consensus about the meaning of reasonable. Notwithstanding the term's enigmatic nature, while it embodies a broad zone of discretionary freedom, it may also function as a laudable gravitational force to constrain decision-making, albeit in vague indecipherable ways, somewhat like a canine invisible fence. (81)
Within the deregulated zone of reasonableness one can find perhaps the most visible fictional icon of the law, “the reasonable man” (a/k/a the reasonable person) called upon as an all-purpose construct when a legal problem must be solved objectively. (82) Caution, however, is necessary. As noted by Alan Miller and Ronen Perry: “Any judge or juror who claims to understand the nature of the reasonable person from his or her familiarity with society is mistaken. Such a task is not merely difficult or impractical—it is impossible.” (83) Generalities often become a substitute for analysis.
As with the reasonableness concept, the reasonable man has appeared in many areas of the law, predominantly in torts and contracts. (84) The personification of the reasonable man in torts concerns the reasonableness of one's conduct, whereas the focus in contracts is on intent in the formation and interpretation of a contract. The reasonable man fiction (85) has been the subject of considerable commentary and criticism. Many cases often treat the reasonable man and reasonableness synonymously given their shared history. (86) Today's popular conception of the reasonable man associates him with English common law, described often in common law countries as “The Man on the Clapham Omnibus.” (87)
Given the ubiquity of this metaphorical creation in the law, modern courts and commentators have struggled to understand him. In a treatise on torts, the reasonable man was described as an “excellent but odious character,” a fictitious person “who never has existed on land or sea.” (88) Others have portrayed the reasonable man in varying, somewhat demeaning terms such as America's “sacred cow” and a privileged White Anglo-Saxon Protestant (“WASP”) male who suffers from a thought disorder, obsessed with imposing order and control to the injury of justice; (89) a preconceived bundle of beliefs and rationales; (90) a legal fiction to foster pseudo-certainty; (91) and, more charitably, an “average Joe” or an all-purpose vanilla-like personification. (92) Not surprisingly, the reasonable man concept has been the object of critical feminist commentary (93) perhaps explaining why the “reasonable man” is often referred to as the “reasonable person” (a moniker that will be adopted hereinafter).
Beyond the mixed metaphors and the benign (or slanderous) labels, “[i]t is one of the misfortunes of the law that ideas become encysted in phrases and thereafter for a long time cease to provoke further analysis.” (94) Christopher Jackson has observed that the reasonable person is so commonplace that it has not received sufficient attention or analysis. (95) Aside from oft-repeated generalizations and platitudes about the reasonable person's attributes (e.g., basic intelligence, common sense, prudence, informed, not perfect, not individualized but representing a community ideal, not hyper-sensitive or possessing extremist views etc.) (96) and being the embodiment of community values and the collective consciousness, (97) the reasonable person concept has generated understandable concerns, many of which will be relevant to the discussion herein and to a consideration of an appropriate recusal heuristic. Specifically, one may plausibly ask: Does the reasonable person embody a majoritarian view that is insensitive and non-responsive to the viewpoints of a non-majoritarian culture? (98) Whom does the reasonable person realistically represent? Is it a clever subterfuge for hiding a decision-maker's controlling preferences and biases? Have we saddled the metaphorical reasonable person with unrealistic expectations in terms of knowledge and information? In addition to the absence of conceptual clarity in the reasonable person standard, these questions have assumed increasing relevance when one considers the “Reasonable Observer,” who has appeared on the modern constitutional stage as a doppelganger descendant of the common law's illusory reasonable person.
Adam Soifer has observed that “Our great judges are those who most effectively use the fabric of fiction to camouflage their creativity.”
(99) From the fertile imagination of Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, who assessed whether government-related actions or symbols represented an unconstitutional endorsement of religion, the fiction of the Reasonable Observer developed. The reasonable observer heuristic developed as an off-shoot of the so-called tripartite “
In a case pertaining to the display of a cross on government property, Justice O’Connor expressed the contours of her vision of the reasonable observer analytic by stating: “The endorsement inquiry is not about the perceptions of particular individuals or saving isolated non-adherents from the discomfort of viewing symbols of faith to which they do not subscribe.”
(102) She then noted:
I therefore disagree that the endorsement test should focus on the actual perception of individual observers, who naturally have differing degrees of knowledge…In my view, however, the endorsement test creates a more collective standard to gauge the ‘objective’ meaning of the [government's] statement in the community…In this respect, the applicable observer is similar to the “reasonable person” in tort law, who “is not to be identified with any ordinary individual…but is rather a personification of a community ideal of reasonable behavior, determined by the [collective] social judgment”…[The endorsement inquiry] simply recognizes the fundamental difficulty inherent in focusing on actual people: There is always
At a pivotal point, Justice O’Connor stated: “…[T]he reasonable observer must be deemed aware of the history and context of the community and forum in which the religious display appears…This approach does not require us to assume the ‘ultrareasonable observer’ who understands the vagaries of this Court's First Amendment jurisprudence….” (104) In O’Connor's legal universe, the views of the reasonable observer ultimately presented an abstract question of law. (105) On reflection, one had to question how precisely the message from this mystical observer could be discerned in the challenging constitutional balancing process. Does a jurist rely on gut instinct about the collective community's hypothetical perception of the government's intent? Does the jurist rely on a vague reasoning process that travels through a legally unregulated zone, a process that a common law lawyer has described as impressionistic? (106)
Justice O’Connor's formulation provoked criticism from her colleagues. Justice Scalia's lead opinion took issue with how one identifies the hypothetical beholder (
There has been considerable scholarly and judicial criticism of the reasonable observer heuristic that was grafted onto religious endorsement cases. In her critical assessment of the reasonable observer approach, Jessie Hill viewed it as a heuristic mechanism to reconstruct intent, based on an evaluation of the context of the perceived message and all relevant information, the objective being an interpretation of the social meaning and effect of a religious message associated with the government's message. (110) Hill proffered that the heuristic should be re-interpreted and strengthened by procedural mechanisms (such as evidential flexibility, burden-shifting rules, presumptions, as well as a recognition that there are other reasonable non-majoritarian perspectives). (111) She questioned how one can decipher consensus or whether it is even achievable. (112) Echoing similar concerns, Jessie Choper contended that the O’Connor heuristic was too nebulous and subjective, allowing too much legislative-like discretion, thus facilitating the imposition of a judge's values at the expense of a needed sensitivity to reasonable non-majoritarian points of view. (113) Richard Fallon, for example, urged a wide-angle re-appraisal of Establishment Clause doctrine, which he said was “notoriously confused and disarrayed—a farrago of unstable rules, tests, standards, principles, and exceptions.” (114) Particularly, for our analytical purposes, Fallon claimed that Establishment Clause cases failed to employ an “analytically sequenced tiered framework for judicial review” that is necessary for clarity and rationality. (115)
Such criticisms had placed the Establishment Clause's reasonable observer heuristic on life support. Scholars like Professor Hill speculated that the Supreme Court might eventually pull the plug.
(116) The critics ultimately proved to be correct when, in 2022, a Supreme Court majority in Kennedy v Bremerton School District definitively jettisoned
In retrospect, the repeated criticisms from members of the Court about
Relevant to the assessment and development of an analytical framework for appearance-based recusal decision-making are additional considerations that should not be over-looked. While these observations will not provide specific content to a proposed recusal heuristic, they are philosophically directional and will guide the process.
There have been two competing philosophical perspectives relevant to the legal idea(l) of reasonableness. One approach advocates a standard that is normative, one generally influenced by ethical values. The normative approach, which is predominant in the legal world, recognizes that the standard cannot be proven empirically or logically. This approach looks to reasonableness as reflecting a community's ideals and values, one that expresses the collective conscience of a community. (121)
The competing view (labeled as positivist, empirical, or statistical) posits that the reasonable person is an ordinary “vanilla-type” creature, an all-purpose being reflecting the average citizen (“the average Joe”) and embodying an aggregation of beliefs and behaviors of the individuals in a community. (122) Such a composite approach is historically associated with its origins in statistics. As others have cautiously observed, the “average” approach, strictly applied, can implicate uncomfortable consequences. (123)
Straddling the fence between these two camps is a legal philosophy that portrays the reasonable person as a hybrid in theory and practice.
(124) In the prior discussion about the contrasting views of Justices O’Connor and Stevens in
Such philosophical musings, sometimes abstruse, may be intellectually interesting. But they provide questionable practical guidance to the judicial decision-maker who must resolve disputes with clarity, practicality, and efficiency (128) Nevertheless, these competing philosophical perspectives are worthy of consideration because they may assist the decision-maker in identifying the appropriate values, points of view, sources of knowledge, and jurisprudential objectives in constructing and construing a context-and-fact dependent heuristic.
Objectivity in the law can be an overly romanticized aspirational concept. There are frequent references in caselaw that judicial reasoning is “objective.” Such a viewpoint is both idealistic and practical because it comforts the litigants and the public about the importance of judicial impartiality and the fair administration of justice, namely, that a jurist's personal preferences, values, or biases will/should not dictate the reasoning process. The reasonable person or reasonable observer becomes a valuable filtering mechanism for providing the
But the concept of judicial objectivity requires a more nuanced assessment, as jurists and scholars acknowledge. Alan Calman has observed that what is missing from discussions of reasonableness is a basic understanding of human nature.
(129) Prosser's analysis of the reasonable man concept admits that it implicates both the subjective and the objective.
(130) Christopher Jaeger's analysis of the “empirical reasonable person” posits that the reasonable person's roots are empirical; but reasonableness is also intuitive and aspirational
(131) In a legal zone that provides considerable unguided discretion, it is understandable that others have concluded that the use of reasonableness can disguise the lack of objective criteria and can operate as a disguise or a tool for judicial control that
Regardless of the context in which the reasonable person/observer standard is applied—torts, contracts, constitutional endorsement, or judicial disqualification—there remains an underlying concern about the ever-present danger of a judge's beliefs, values, predispositions, or bias imperceptibly compromising the apparent objectivity of decision-making, especially in circumstances when discretion is legally unguided. (136)
The relationship between law and morality is a topic that has fascinated philosophical and legal scholars. H. L. A. Hart's classic exposition of the separation of law and morals explained that historically there has been a recognition that “the development of legal systems had been powerfully influenced by moral opinion, and, conversely, that moral standards had been profoundly influenced by law, so that the content of many legal rules mirrored moral rules or principles,” an historical causal connection that is not easy to trace. (137)
The limited scope of this article precludes any extended philosophical discussion regarding the role of morality in the development of the law. (138) Suffice it to say that with respect to the reasonable person concept, others have observed a connection. In the realm of contracts, for example, Larry DiMatteo noted that the reasonable person's roots are in moral philosophy (Thomas Aquinas and Aristotle) and in a belief in virtues and right reason representing, in effect, a secularization of religious principles. (139) Given that the reasonable person is viewed as embodying the conscience of the community and is a personification of a community's ideal, it is natural that the reasonable person would assume a normative mantle. (140) The essential point is that the reasonable person/observer is plausibly imbued with normative, moral attributes. More importantly for our purposes, and regardless of the more general philosophical issues of law and morality, the reasonable observer in recusal matters should be recognized as a distinct construct that implicates moral/ethical considerations and aspirations. It is worth acknowledging that the essence of the reasonable observer metaphor in recusal is indeed virtue, in a secular sense, specifically, the civic morality of justice, judicial impartiality, and fairness.
The issue of law's relation to morality raises the related and important factor of context. In his analysis of reasonableness and objectivity, professor Neil MacCormick stressed that the task of interpreting “reasonableness” is contextual, involving the identification of values, interests and the like that are relevant to the particular focus of attention, which depends on the type of situation, the relationship at issue, and the governing principles and rationales for the branch of law at issue. Reasonableness is necessarily a context-driven concept.
(141) Justice O’Connor in
Justice and impartiality are abstract concepts. Yet there is an inevitable human impulse to imaginatively envision such concepts through literary devices – metaphors, symbols, aphorisms. The “Man on the Clapham Bus,” the classic metaphorical symbol for the reasonable person in Anglo jurisprudence, (145) stirs the legal imagination more than the cold concept of objective reasonableness. Bryan Oberle examined the many archetypal characters and symbols of justice in world mythology and identified 68 symbols of justice and 27 words associated with justice (including fairness, impartiality, prudence, reason, and truth). (146) The “appearance of justice” concept has become, like the reasonable person, an imaginative envisioning of a vague aspect of our justice system, particularly relevant in the context of judicial recusal and disqualification. But beyond metaphor and symbolism, how does one interpret the “appearance” of justice? There is little practical guidance.
Impartiality
(147) constitutes the core of “appearance of justice,” the foundation of U.S. and, as will be discussed, international jurisprudence. The Supreme Court, on more than one occasion, has emphasized that “justice must satisfy the appearance of justice.”
(148) In The problem, however, is that people who have not served on the bench are often all too willing to indulge suspicion and doubts concerning the integrity of the judges. The very purpose of sec. 455(a) [the federal recusal statute] is to provide confidence in the judiciary by even avoiding the appearance of impropriety whenever possible.
(150)
A modern example of the manifestation of this aspirational appearance principle (perhaps viewed as excessive by some) involved a Virginia trial judge who decided, pursuant to a motion by the local public defender, that the portraits of jurists (overwhelmingly white), peering down (as the judge noted) on African American defendants, should be removed from the courtroom. The judge decided that such a gesture was important to emphasize in his courtroom the appearance of justice and fairness. (151)
The appearance of justice principle was incorporated in the American Bar Association's first model judicial code in 1924. (152) The phrase “justice must satisfy the appearance of justice,” came from the pen of an English jurist, Lord Gordon Hewart. Described as “the worst chief justice ever,” Lord Hewart stated that it “is of fundamental importance that justice should not only be done, but should manifestly and undoubtedly be seen to be done.” (153) There is a certain cross-Atlantic irony in the provenance of the foundational concept of the appearance of justice. The U.S. version of the ethical appearance standard is tied to another controversial figure, Judge Landis who, while still a jurist, was chosen to clean up the sport of baseball after the so-called Chicago Black Sox baseball scandal in the 1920's. The controversy over Judge Landis's dual compensation eventually prompted the ABA to promulgate an ethical code that addressed the appearance of impropriety. (154) Thus, notwithstanding the associational taints, the appearance concept may have been a serendipitous Anglo-American cross-pollination of ideas. (155)
Over the years the “appearance of justice” has become a fundamental, over-arching ethical principle in statutes and codes of judicial conduct, far-removed from the common law Blackstonian view that presumed judicial integrity and restricted judicial disqualification to financial interests. (156) The appearance concept is essential to promoting and preserving the public's trust and confidence in the judicial system and the rule of law, (157) in recognition of the reality that the public's perception of bias can be as damaging as actual bias. (158)
The roots of the appearance concept can also be traced to antiquity—in Roman law, for example, suspicion (of partiality) provided a basis for judicial disqualification.
(159) Since 1924, through the persistent efforts of the American Bar Association (ABA) in drafting various versions of the Model Code of Judicial Conduct, the appearance standard has been integral to American law, developing from an aspirational concept to a mandatory ethical responsibility. In tandem with the ABA, Congress enacted various statutes to govern judicial recusal based on the ABA model. In 1972, Congress adopted the Model Code's appearance standard.
(160) The ABA drafter's notes to the revised standards, however, never explained the appearance standard
(161) except to say:
The general standard is followed by a series of four specific [
As noted by the Supreme Court, most states subscribe to the general over-arching appearance of impartiality standard, (164) which has not escaped criticism. (165) In a prominent case involving a West Virginia state supreme court justice's receipt of substantial campaign contributions, Justice Benjamin fiercely fought attempts for his disqualification in the state proceeding. Selectively quoting Roscoe Pound and Justice Stephen Breyer (luminaries in American law), Benjamin defensively stated: “The very notion of appearance driven disqualifying conflicts, with shifting definitional standards subject to the whims, caprices and manipulations of those more interested in outcomes than in the application of the law, is antithetical to due process.” (166) The Supreme Court later concluded that Benjamin's failure to recuse was a violation of due process. (167) It should be noted, however, that the general appearance standard of recusal in federal and state laws (statutes and codes) represents a more stringent ethical precept than the infrequently applied constitutional (due process) probability-of-bias standard. (168)
It is also important to realize that the focus of the ethical standard is on the appearance, not the actuality, of a judge's bias or intent. (169) Citing the reporter Thode's notes (170) about the model code, one judge stressed: “Judicial ethics reinforced by statute exact more than virtuous behavior, they command impeccable appearance. Purity of heart is not enough. Judges’ robes must be as spotless as their actual conduct.” (171) The objective appearance assessment is undertaken, not from the challenged or reviewing jurist's perspective or values, but through the external lens of an imaginary third person, the reasonable observer. Thus, the reasonable observer in judicial disqualification is metaphorically similar to the reasonable observer that was applied in religious endorsement caselaw—a fictitious, jurisprudential creation, employed in an abductive reasoning process to interpret (objectively) external evidence regarding the public's perception (subjective) of the government's words or conduct. (172) As Thode's notes make clear: “Any conduct that would lead a reasonable man knowing all the circumstances to the conclusion that the judge's ‘impartiality might reasonably be questioned’ is a basis for the judge's disqualification.” (173) Often overlooked or under-appreciated in recusal cases (174) is the fact that the objective appearance test is not, nor should be, interpreted as a reflection of a jurist's actual integrity, intent, or competency. Appearance-based recusal is not a personalized assessment. For example, in appellate proceedings, when recusal review results in the reassignment of a matter to a different judge, there is commonly a concluding comment of assurance that the decision is not meant to be viewed as impugning the integrity or competency of the challenged jurist. (175)
A leading treatise's survey of judicial disqualification in the United States concludes that disqualification jurisprudence is replete with inconsistencies.
(176) Foreign commentators have expressed similar concerns about the difficulties encountered in consistently applying their apparent bias standard, particularly in analytically close or marginal cases.
(177) The U.S. appearance recusal standard, however, is distinct from its Anglo counterparts in two particular respects. First, there is an analytical opaqueness of U.S. appearance-based recusal decisions. A random examination of many opinions from federal and state courts
(178) reveals a remarkable jurisprudential similarity—an analytically vanilla-like,
Relevant to the analytical opaqueness aspect is the existence of what one commentator has identified as an obsession with factual recitation, that is, an “allure of factiness.” In U.S. judicial decisions, this approach serves a strategy of appearing judicially neutral and modest through a reliance on heavily-steeped factual narrations that reach a seemingly logical normative conclusion. (182) Another commentator posits that using facts may be a risk-averse smokescreen to reject recusal requests. (183) As noted, many recusal opinions, after a recitation of the standard stock recusal principles, engage in an extensive recitation of facts to analyze the hypothesized perceptions of an ill-defined metaphorical reasonable observer, thus providing some plausibility to the “facty” theory. (184) This approach is comparable to the quondam reasonable observer-endorsement test in religious establishment-endorsement cases, which was also highly fact-specific. (185) In such circumstances, factual details and the recitation of stock legal principles often fail to provide analytical clarity. It is as if one cannot see the forest from the trees. Additionally, the excessive focus on facts can be viewed as implicating a cognitive bias -- the conjunctive fallacy -- in which a decision-maker's deliberative System 2 process (186) uses abundant details of an event or circumstance to provide support for a higher probability assessment (for example, the denial of a recusal motion). (187) While disqualification cases are factually unique and understandably require careful factual elucidation, the allure of excessive fact-finding should not divert attention from the fundamental concerns of analytical clarity and transparent reasoning.
The more significant concern about the application of the U.S. appearance standard of recusal is the transmogrification of the pivotal verbal metric (“might”), undermining both the letter and spirit of the recusal standard. There appears to be a lexical insouciance about the subtle semantic shifting in appearance-based disqualification caselaw that is hard to explain.
(188) For the present purposes, it is sufficient to note that a leading commentator on judicial recusal identified an important semantic quandary when he asked whether the standard (“impartiality might reasonably be questioned”) embodies
To understand how U.S. appearance-based disqualification manifests in practice, it is helpful to identify preliminarily the major aspects, procedural and substantive, involved in disqualification adjudications.
Inasmuch as impartiality is a foundational value in our justice system, a disqualification challenge represents a weighty and an emotionally precarious challenge to the judicial system and the judge. Given the gravity of the matter, strict guardrails have been established to prevent frivolous claims or tactical manipulation of the judicial process. These procedures impose a burden (on the petitioner) and a benefit (on the jurist).
A petitioner who claims actual or apparent bias must present a claim with factual specificity. Vague, conclusory, unverified, or unsupported allegations or feelings are insufficient to satisfy the petitioner's evidentiary hurdle. Thus, general allegations of animus, as well as speculation or innuendo, cannot satisfy the evidentiary burden. Courts will reject recusal challenges when they are based on “mere” conjecture or suspicion. (191) As one court has noted: “…disqualification should not be allowed on the bases of rumors, innuendos, unsupported allegations, or claims that like blind moths, flutter aimlessly to oblivion when placed under the harsh light of full facts.” (192)
The petitioner faces another burden. A challenge to a jurist's actual or apparent impartiality must meet the obstacle of a presumption that strongly benefits the challenged jurist. (193) The presumption is long-standing, recognized in the eighteenth century as vital to the common law system, which adopted a restrictive approach to disqualification. (194) Disqualification caselaw in the United States routinely asserts that a jurist is presumed to be competent and to possess integrity. (195) The burden to disqualify a judge and overcome the presumption is viewed as a heavy one. (196) Looking at the presumption from an angle other than competency and integrity, one court started its disqualification analysis with a “presumption against disqualification,” which arguably reflects the presumption's true impact. (197) Similarly, another jurist has observed that great deference must be given to a trial judge facing a recusal challenge, a sentiment that permeates disqualification jurisprudence. (198) The presumption is a significant hurdle for the litigant.
Aside from the issue of providing a challenged jurist with a procedural advantage in a recusal challenge, the presumption generates other concerns. Judge Easterbrook noted:
Yet, drawing all inferences favorable to the honesty and care of the judge whose conduct has been questioned could collapse the appearance of impropriety standard under sec. 455(a) into a demand for proof of actual impropriety. So although the court tries to make an external reference to the reasonable person, it is essential to hold in mind that these outside observers are less inclined to credit judges’ impartiality and mental discipline than the judiciary itself will be.
(199)
This jurisprudential concern leads to another important issue. What is the actual effect of the presumption? Does it tilt the scales of justice in the jurist's favor? For example, is it applied at the initial stages of litigation or throughout the litigation, thus providing a tactical advantage for the judge and a procedural burden on the petitioner? There is no clarity in recusal caselaw. One suspects that the presumption operates to benefit the jurist throughout the disqualification litigation. Presumptions can be conclusive or rebuttable. Presumptions are created for reasons of convenience, fairness, or policy. (200) One view is that, if evidence is produced to rebut the presumption, the presumption is utterly destroyed and disappears (the so-called “bursting bubble” theory) (201) even if the decisionmaker disbelieves the countervailing evidence. (202) The weight of authority is that the presumption, however, does not have any effect on the persuasion burden; it merely shifts the production burden; litigants challenging a jurist's qualification must still prove their case. (203) In the reasonable observer context, commentators have been critical of the application of the presumption, suggesting that the presumption be re-considered and re-calibrated. (204)
To understand what and how the reasonable observer perceives, it is necessary to ascertain who the reasonable observer represents. A transcribed administrative conference discussion between two justices of the Michigan Supreme Court, regarding Michigan's then recently amended rules of disqualification,
(205) highlights a conceptual consternation:
If there is an appearance of impropriety, then you cannot sit on the case. And from what perspective is the appearance of impropriety? Is it a subjective standard? Is it an objective standard? I haven’t thought through all of that to be honest with you, to answer you here.
(206)
The justices’ perplexity is understandable because, in assessing the appearance of impropriety, a jurist is placed in an awkward, perhaps cognitively untenable, position. As one jurist observed: “An objective standard creates problems in implementation. Judges must imagine how a reasonable, well-informed observer of the judicial system would react. Yet the judge does not stand outside the system.” (207) In quoting from another case, Judge Kozinski remarked: “Because the judge must apply the disqualification standard [of section 455(a)] both as its interpreter and object, the general standard is even more difficult to define. [There is a] philosophical dilemma created by this objective-subjective conundrum.” (208)
From the theoretical perspective at the legal baseline, however, courts have recognized that the reasonable observer should not be the judge—the reasonable observer must be a lay person.
(209) One court expanded the traditional perspective by stating that “the question of reasonableness ought to be approached from the viewpoint of the party to the action, not of that famous fictitious character, the reasonable man.”
(210) Since the observer's perspective is theoretically an objective one, it should not embody the personal values, philosophy, or viewpoint of the jurist tasked with applying the standard, especially if the jurist is the object of the ethical inquiry. This approach is consistent with Anglo jurisprudence.
(211) The difficulty, however, is that the reasonable observer remains an abstraction and inevitably leads to a deeper dilemma,
In the negligence field where the reasonable person came to maturity, Dean Prosser remarked that the level of knowledge, including minimal requirements, ascribed to the reasonable person is one of the most difficult issues to assess. (213) In disqualification cases, the commonplace expressions are that the reasonable observer is one who is “informed” of all the surrounding facts and circumstances; a thoughtful person, but not hypersensitive or unduly suspicious; one who is knowledgeable and objective. (214) The reasonable observer is viewed as “the average person on the street.” (215)
Difficulties arise when the “knowledge” and “fully informed” aspects of the reasonable observer are examined more closely. The definitional quandary brings to mind the differing views between Justices O’Connor and Stevens in
Other issues about the knowledge and point of view of the “fully informed and objective” observer arise. Often, such facts may be hidden from public view and are not readily ascertainable—for example, the association of a judge's law clerk with one of the parties or counsel, the potential economic interest or civic activities of a judge's spouse, an
Lastly, against this tableau of analytically diverse perceptions of the reasonable observer, one returns to the fundamental issue of what the reasonable observer heuristic is (or is not) capturing. Philosophically, there has always been a tension in how the reasonable person heuristic is applied. As noted previously, (224) should it simply embody the “average” of a society? Or is there a normative or idealized component to the construct? The answer may be both. (225)
Justice O’Connor's vision of the reasonable observer (in religious endorsement cases) had always been a challenging one. In
The application of Justice O’Connor's formulation of the metaphorical reasonable person/observer in Establishment jurisprudence revealed some underlying infirmities of the heuristic. Notwithstanding the demise of Justice O’Connor's heuristic, the critical questions asked by commentators remain relevant for our purposes: Whose perception controls?
(233) If the reasonable person represents an “average,” what is it an average of?
(234) With respect to such concerns, the application of the heuristic in religious endorsement cases had been criticized as being both under-inclusive and over-inclusive.
(235) Echoing Justice Stevens’ assessment in
Metaphors (like the reasonable person or observer) are meant to assist us in thinking and reasoning. (241) They expand our perceptual horizons. In law, metaphorical devices should serve to promote rationality, analytical predictability, and the appearance of adjudicatory fairness. In the analysis and application of the reasonable observer metaphor in recusal caselaw, however, the lack of the heuristic's clarity exposes a troubling uncertainty about the “wisdom whisperer”.
As Mephisto advised in
The over-arching disqualification
(245) standard in the United States is that a jurist must disqualify when the jurist's “impartiality might reasonably be questioned.” It is a specific standard, reified in federal and state statutes and judicial codes, similar in principle to, but distinct in form from, its counterpart in common law countries (which rely on general principles of apparent impartiality and the appearance of bias). In the U.S. standard, the verb “might” acts as the fulcrum of implementation. The operative word is arguably one of lexical simplicity. In common parlance, the modal verb “might” occupies a position within a spectrum of predictability and certainty; it is an expression that connotes
The crux of this Article's section is that U.S. recusal jurisprudence presents a perplexing example of the lack of analytical clarity regarding the meaning of the appearance recusal heuristic and the applicable evidential threshold for disqualification. Specifically, there is a disturbing divergence in disqualification jurisprudence between the specific terminology of the ethical mandate (disqualification is required when a judge's “impartiality might reasonably be questioned”) and its application in concrete cases -- a divergence that ultimately undermines the fundamental value that justice must satisfy the appearance of justice. Remarkably, except for the occasional perceptive observation by others of the conceptual ambiguities,
(251) there has been a lack of analytical attention regarding the critical issue of the evidential threshold of belief in appearance-based disqualification. What is the judicial lens? As Richard Flamm pointedly asks: Does the disqualification standard embody a notion of
From a wide-angle perspective, U.S. caselaw seems to slip and slide from the lower modal standard (“might”) to a higher conclusory “would” – the latter, in Faustian parlance, safely guiding the decision-maker from doubt and dubiety.
(255) To say that a reasonable observer “might” reasonably question a jurist's impartiality is significantly different from concluding that a reasonable observer “would” (but, more often in reported cases “would not”) question the jurist's impartiality – again, predicated on a subjective (or magical) assessment of the
U.S. caselaw reveals an analytical approach that is less solicitous to appearance-based recusal, one that is in tension with the ordinary and clear text of the standard. Often the modals “might” and “would” are blithely used interchangeably in opinions (and even in a single opinion). For example, in rejecting countervailing considerations of administrative inconvenience and expense of a re-trial in a convoluted multi-party diversity action (that required 33 days of trial), one court adopted a hard line approach toward the trial judge's failure to disqualify, stressing the importance of protecting the judiciary from any hint of the appearance of bias.
(256) Nevertheless, the court's use of words is noteworthy, when it said: “The judge should consider how his participation in a given case looks to the average person on the street. Use of the word ‘might’ in the statute was intended to indicate that disqualification should follow if the reasonable man, were s/he to know all the circumstances,
In addition, courts will frequently couple the outcome-determinative modal verb with qualifiers that make the advocate's burden more onerous. In the application of the relatively simple five-word recusal standard (i.e., the judge's “impartiality might reasonably be questioned”), courts exercise considerable interpretative latitude and creativity in the assessment of the risk of perceived partiality. Courts have imposed various conditions onto the “might” appearance standard, including: “significant doubt;”
(260) “serious doubt;”
(261) “significant risk;”
(262) “substantial doubt;”
(263) or “substantially out of the ordinary.”
(264) Some cases will also identify a more burdensome evidential standard. In
Lastly, there are instances when a disqualification challenge has been rejected despite an acknowledgment that there may indeed be merit to a reasonable person's questioning the jurist's impartiality.
(268) In To the extent that public confidence has already been undermined, we do not believe that granting relief in this case will change the public's perception in any appreciable way. Such harm cannot be remedied by vacating the district court's decision and reassigning this case to a different judge. In fact, if we reverse and vacate a decision that we have already determined to be proper, the public will lose faith in our system of justice because the case will be overturned without regard to the merits of the employees’ claims. Judicial decisions based on such
It is impossible to identify the impetus (psychological or jurisprudential) for the imposition of a higher standard in these appearance-recusal cases. Perhaps an aversion to the challenging and vague appearance-based standard; or an unconscious preference for (or comfort in) an actual prejudice standard; (271) or, from a speculative sociological perspective, (272) the unexamined semantical habits or shared understandings in the judicial community's zeitgeist—these may explain the more restrictive (i.e., the higher evidential “would”) approach in appearance-based recusal cases.
In any event, such varying adjectival adhesions, increasing the procedural and evidential burdens imposed on a petitioner, effectively transmogrify the appearance-based recusal standard, create analytical confusion, and increase the risk of erroneous and unfair decision-making. The ultimate risk is that the public's perception of justice and its trust and confidence in the judicial system are jeopardized.
Adjudicating a claim of apparent bias asserted by a solicitor against a disciplinary tribunal who convicted him of professional misconduct described as heinous, Commissioner (later Chief Justice of Singapore) Sundaresh Menon of the High Court of Singapore prefaced his comprehensive analysis and synthesis of common law recusal principles governing apparent bias with the following:
The applicant reaches out to that hallowed principle: justice must not only be done but it must manifestly be seen to be done. He contends that this principle has been violated in his case. What do these words really mean? Are they simply a nice-sounding tagline expressing a pious aspiration? Or do these words in fact express an uncompromising standard which serves to guarantee that those having business before judicial and quasi-judicial bodies in this country will not go away harboring any reasonably held apprehensions that they have not been fairly dealt with?
(273)
In his examination of international recusal standards, Rex Perschbacher noted his fascination with countries that, despite their diversity, have independently adopted similar recusal standards. (274) Among the common law-based countries (primarily Australia, Canada, Singapore, South Africa, and the United Kingdom) that are the focus of this article, there is a remarkable similarity of foundational principles and values in their recusal analyses, including individual and institutional judicial independence, impartial decision-making, fair judicial processes, the appearance of justice, and the importance of public trust and confidence in the judicial system and the rule of law. (275) In South Africa, for example, judicial recusal is considered a “constitutional matter.” (276) In recognition of the universality of fundamental jurisprudential values, the principle of judicial impartiality is enshrined in the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights. (277) The Anglo-American consanguinity (in principles, not implementation) is sometimes manifested by specific references to American jurisprudence. (278)
Although generalities can be admittedly dangerous, a comparative review of Anglo-American recusal caselaw reflects, in one respect, a stark dissimilarity. In contrast to the American approach, which can often be factually ponderous, impressionistic and conclusory, common law countries have exhibited a deeper analytical bent, which arguably provides the parties and public with a better understanding and appreciation of how and why a decision was reached. (279) It is this public jurisprudential dialogue in their opinions, expressed at times to the point of semantic complexity, that have promoted (or provoked) commentary and criticism. For example, one who is familiar with the various criticisms that have been leveled at Justice O’Connor's reasonable observer test in religious endorsement cases (280) would recognize the parallel paths travelled in Anglo jurisprudence regarding general concerns about the application of jurisprudential norms governing recusal. These concerns include: the danger of ignoring public perception and thereby effectively reverting to a misplaced actual prejudice standard; (281) the unrealistic expectations imposed on the metaphorical informed observer; (282) the disregard or devaluation of important policy interests; (283) the failure to demarcate the burden of proof required to prove adjudicative impartiality; (284) the difficulty in applying the appearance standard; (285) implementing the appearance standard in an impressionistic manner, including the failure to adequately explain how the appearance of bias test is applied or how the relevant factors are balanced; (286) the failure of courts to give sufficient weight to the appearance standard; (287) the heavy emphasis on lengthy factual narratives that can serve as a smokescreen; (288) the potentially negative impact of inconsistent or incoherent standards especially in marginal or close cases; (289) and the impairment of the credibility of the judicial process. (290)
Common law countries assess the appearance of bias through a double factor formula, often referred to as the “double reasonableness” test.
(291) Similar to the reasonable observer standard in the United States, common law countries require that the perception of bias must be objectively reasonable in two respects: (1) the [T]his presumption can be displaced by cogent evidence that demonstrates something the judicial officer has done which gives rise to a reasonable apprehension of bias. The effect of the presumption of impartiality is that a judicial officer will not lightly be presumed to be biased. This is a consideration a reasonable litigant would take into account. The presumption is crucial in deciding whether a reasonable litigant would entertain a reasonable apprehension that the judicial officer was, or might be, biased.
(298)
Aside from such procedural hurdles, the difficulty of the double reasonableness test lies in its implementation: how does one identify the reasonable observer and the reasonable perception? The devil is in the details. As the Australian court in
In The reasonable man (or woman) on the Clapham omnibus has been joined on the journey by another paragon of rationality, the fair minded and informed observer. These anthropomorphic creations of the common law lend a humanizing and homely touch to the law, personalising what are, in effect, objective tests of fairness and rationality. The metaphors should not distract from a proper understanding of the objective nature of the question to be addressed in individual cases.
(300)
As another jurist noted: “What matters, in the final analysis, is a practical approach that takes into account not only the possible meanings of the word and phrases in question but also the context in which they appear.” (301) As in the American recusal context, two practical questions confront the common law jurist in understanding and speaking for the reasonable observer: Whose perception controls? And what level of knowledge and information should we impute to the reasonable observer?
In the seminal case of Furthermore, I think it unnecessary, in formulating the appropriate test, to require that the court should look at the matter through the eyes of a reasonable man,
On further reflection, nine years later, in a case involving a high-profile political scandal, Lord Bingham announced a need for a “modest adjustment” to the reasonable observer test —the perspective would henceforth be that of a fair-minded and informed
With respect to who comprises the class of lay persons, the term encompasses the general public. (306) The High Court of Australia stated that, in considering the formulation of the fictitious bystander regarding the impression which facts might reasonably have upon the parties and the public, the public includes groups of people who are sensitive to the possibility of judicial bias. (307) Occasionally the perception of bias held by the parties, which clearly plays a pivotal role in the instigation of a recusal claim, has been acknowledged as an important factor to consider. (308)
The level of knowledge imputed to the fictional reasonable observer is often glossed over, a strange oversight given that the metaphorical reasonable observer is an integral component of how a court must view and adjudicate the reasonableness of the perception of partiality. Australian courts have been more explanatory and seem to take the view that a high level of knowledge or information should not be a necessary attribute of the hypothetical observer, who is viewed simply as a fair-minded person. (309) On the other hand, Canadian courts seem to have imposed somewhat higher cognitive expectations on its metaphorical figure, describing the reasonable observer as an informed, reasonable, “right-minded person,” “one who views a matter realistically and practically,” and one who has “thought through” the matter. (310)
The most challenging aspect in understanding the common law countries’ interpretation and application of the double reasonableness heuristic in recusal cases is the perception component: what precisely is the standard by which one defines and scrutinizes the reasonableness of the observer's perception of bias? Traveling through the cosmos of the selected common law countries, one enters a veritable twilight zone of semantics. Common law jurisdictions have engaged in an alchemy of words to express and measure apparent bias – such as, the reasonable likelihood of bias, real danger of bias, real suspicion of bias, reasonable apprehension of bias, and real possibility of bias. Clarity becomes complicated by head-spinning semantical instability. One realizes that terms are not what they appear to mean. These Humpty Dumpty-like (311) verbal gymnastics have led others to criticize the various approaches to apparent bias as: gratuitous semantic confusion, (312) jumbled, (313) bewildering, (314) and semantically muddled. (315) Nevertheless, in the struggle for conceptual clarity, a consensus seems to have appeared as to the essential concerns that should animate and guide appearance-based recusal.
The semantical labyrinth begins with the United Kingdom's seminal case of
The courts of Australia and South Africa decided to adopt a different approach. The High Court of Australia in 1994, in assessing apparent bias, decided that, of the various tests used to determine an allegation of bias, “the ‘reasonable
South African courts have also expressed the relevant apparent bias test differently. In To insist upon the appearance of a real likelihood of bias would, I think, cut at the very root of the principle, embedded in our law, that justice must be seen to be done. It would impede rather than advance the due administration of justice…I venture to suggest that the matter stands no differently with regard to the apprehension of bias by a lay litigant. Provided, the
Regarding the reasonable suspicion standard, the court also noted: “I consider that those very objects which the ‘reasonable suspicion test’ are calculated to achieve are frustrated by grafting onto it the further requirement that the
Seven years later, the Supreme Court of Appeal of South Africa provided more specific guidance as to its reasonable suspicion of bias test by identifying the requirements: (1) there must be a suspicion that the judicial officer might -- not would -- be biased; (2) the suspicion must be that of a reasonable person in the position of the accused or litigant; and (3) the suspicion must be based on reasonable grounds. (322) As a capstone to South Africa's recusal jurisprudence, the Constitutional Court of South Africa later re-assessed its semantics and decided that the term “suspicion” presented “inappropriate connotations,” and re-formulated the test as the “apprehension of bias,” (323) subsequently re-labeled as the “reasonable apprehension of bias” test. (324)
The evolutionary development of the reasonableness test for apparent bias in other judicial systems (
In comparison, Canadian courts have applied its reasonable apprehension of bias test in a manner that has provoked concern about credibility and legitimacy of the judicial process.
(326) In
A discussion of the double reasonableness heuristic—the reasonable observer and the reasonable observation—in the selected common law jurisdictions would not be complete without reference to the panoramic and complex analysis provided by the High Court of Singapore in 2006. The opinion in Even with the rider that “likelihood” is to be equated with “possibility” there is a significant difference between the court inquiring whether on the one hand it thinks there is a sufficient (real) possibility that the tribunal was biased on the one hand, and on the other, whether a lay person might reasonably entertain such an apprehension, even it the court was satisfied that there was in fact no such danger.
(329)
The court further explained at length the inter-relationship of the observer-observation components of the apparent bias heuristic:
I would therefore, with some reluctance, differ from the view taken by Phang JC in
Menon, J.C., then concluded:
The “reasonable suspicion” test however is met if the court is satisfied that a reasonable number of the public could harbor a reasonable suspicion of bias even though the court itself thought there was no real danger of this on the facts. The driver behind this test is the strong public interest in ensuring public confidence in the administration of justice.
(332)
Rejecting the [T]here is an inherent difficulty with the real likelihood test in that it is utterly imprecise. The court is not looking for proof of bias on a balance of probabilities. What then is the court looking for? A sufficient degree of possibility of bias is how Lord Goff put it in
Supporting the court's careful jurisprudential analysis was its prior commentary regarding the “imaginary scales of justice” and the applicable levels of scrutiny -- beginning with doubt (which suggests a state of uncertainty), then “suspicion” (suggesting that something might be possible without yet being able to prove it, thereby requiring the adjective “reasonable” to require articulation of reasons, based on evidence presented, rather than fanciful beliefs), proceeding to “likelihood” (“which points towards a state of being likely or probable or, for that matter, possible), and finally “proof on a balance of probabilities” (suggesting a “more likely than not,” or its converse). (334)
In concluding that the reasonable suspicion test is the law in Singapore,
(335) The principle of the common law on which these cases depend is the need to preserve public confidence in the administration of justice…It is no answer for the judge to say that he is in fact impartial, that he abided by his judicial oath and there was a fair trial.
St. Augustine reportedly stated that he knew what time it was until anyone asked him to explain it.
(337) The United States and its common law relatives share the fundamental value that justice must satisfy “the appearance” of justice.
(338) Explaining, however, what the appearance of justice means has been a formidable epistemic challenge with respect to judicial impartiality and disqualification. What distinguishes the approach of the common law jurisdictions herein (Australia, Canada, Singapore, South Africa, and United Kingdom) is the analytical depth of their struggle to understand and explain the practical import of the appearance concept.
With respect to the reasonable observer, common law countries confirm that the hypothetical observer's perspective is interpreted through the eyes of a hypothetical lay person, not the court, thus imbuing the jurisprudential construct with a modicum (or appearance) of objectivity. They have viewed the lay observer as fair-minded, impartial, reasonable, one not possessing a high level of knowledge or insider information. Although such attributes are abstractions, they sufficiently serve to guide and constrain, at least in a theoretical and aspirational sense, judicial discretion.
As to the reasonable perception component of the appearance heuristic, which has provoked considerable analytical consternation among common law countries, there appears to be a consensus that the governing metric should be possibility, not probability. (339) The perception, whether denominated as an apprehension or suspicion (of bias), however, must be a reasonable or “real” one, in the sense that there must be objectively demonstrable articulated facts rather than “mere” suspicion, conjecture, hypersensitivity, or tactical efforts designed to manipulate the judicial process.
In their on-going struggles to define and understand the concepts of apparent bias and the reasonable observer heuristic, the preceding common law jurisdictions adopted an analytical approach that stands in sharp contrast to the lack of analysis in U.S. recusal jurisprudence. The American heuristic, conceptually at least, resembles the “double reasonableness” analytical framework of the common law countries – the focus is on both the
In the execution and interpretation of the appearance of impartiality ethic (notwithstanding the different Anglo-American analytical approaches), it is interesting to read the various concerns expressed by common law commentators regarding their application of the apparent bias heuristic.
(340) These commentaries are a reminder of our common dilemma in attempting to craft clear language to effectuate basic values and ideals. Anglo-American recusal jurisprudence demonstrates that language, through the process of interpretation, can serve—or subvert—the underlying values of a text or jurisprudential principle. As Mephistopheles observed in
Thus, a reconceptualized reasonable observer heuristic would be beneficial in helping judges to understand the “objective” appearance ethic, while helping them avoid the siren call of an actual prejudice analysis. (347) In the absence of a reformulation (unlikely) or abandonment (ill-advised and perilous) of the appearance of bias standard, specifically with respect to the precept's verbal fulcrum, (348) the reasonable observer heuristic can be reconceptualized to promote greater analytical clarity and principled interpretation. Against the backdrop of the preceding sections, the following adjustments to the reasonable observer heuristic are offered.
Regardless of whether the reasonable observer standard is applied in the religious endorsement or recusal context, common questions predominate: Who does the reasonable observer represent? Whose voice is the judge channeling? What does the reasonable observer know and see?
Commentators, including Supreme Court justices, (349) have advocated for a more realistic, sensitive, and nuanced conception of the reasonable observer. (350) As others have suggested, the reasonable person/observer is a heuristic that should reflect social (public) meaning; the heuristic should acknowledge and incorporate the real possibility of multiple personae. (351) Relevant to a broader, more flexible heuristic is the recognition of the futility and undesirability of trying to achieve an idealized, unattainable consensus. (352) The flexibility of this approach makes philosophical and jurisprudential sense if one considers the fundamental nature of the reasonable observer. In response to the persistent philosophical debate whether the reasonable person, as the designated representative of a global community (“the average Joe,” so to speak) is more statistical (i.e., average) or normative (i.e., the embodiment of an ideal or community values), commentators have favored the latter. A purely statistical approach is viewed as empirically impossible inasmuch as we lack objective means to reduce human beings or their beliefs to a single number, metric, or trait. (353) The statistical approach, in its attempt to generalize reality, presents the danger of being over- or under-inclusive; (354) in a sense, conceiving of reasonableness as an average or composite of multiple characteristics results in an unrealistic leveling of reality – it captures too much or too little, and thus can be viewed as exclusionary, a particularly troublesome analytic when placed in the context of ethics and justice. (355) Additionally, supportive of a more flexible and recusal-sensitive approach to the reasonable observer heuristic is the fact that the heuristic is applied to the ethical domain of judicial impartiality, a secular value that ultimately reflects the ethic of caring for the interests of others, (356) a viewpoint that is compatible with the classical notion of the reasonable person. (357)
The recognition of the interests of others, when relevant, should guide the formulation of the reasonable observer heuristic. The high court of Australia addressed the importance of considering the impressions of the public and parties in applying the reasonable observer (a/k/a fictitious bystander) heuristic:
It is their confidence that must be won and maintained. The public includes groups of people who are sensitive to the possibility of judicial bias. It must be remembered that in contemporary Australia, the fictitious bystander is not necessarily of European ethnicity or other majority traits.”
(358)
Similarly, in identifying and applying the objective test for apparent bias, the High Court of South Africa acknowledged: “In a multicultural, multilingual and multiracial country such as South Africa, it cannot reasonably be expected that judicial officers should share all the views and even the prejudices of those persons who appear before them.” (359) In a racially-charged case, involving a white police officer's arrest of a Black 15-year old who had allegedly interfered with the arrest of another youth, the Supreme Court of Canada applied its reasonable apprehension of bias test with the following caution: “Judges must be particularly sensitive to the need not only to be fair but also appear to all reasonable observers to be fair to all Canadians of every race, religion, nationality and ethnic origin.” (360)
The preceding commentary is relevant to the symbolic and practical issue of whose voice does the judge channel when conjuring the metaphorical reasonable observer. Joanna Grace Tinus, advocating a fine-tuning of the heuristic, has remarked that “…the objective nature of the [reasonable person] standard has been undermined by relying on a standard of reasonableness that tends to reflect social norms and particular prevailing ideas of particular classes of individuals.” (361) Others have focused their criticism on the fact that the reasonable observer heuristic suffers from an inherent majoritarian point of view, sometimes characterized as the “individuation problem.” (362) Associating the reasonable person with a majoritarian point of view, for example, had been recognized as a serious defect of the heuristic (as previously applied in America's religious endorsement cases) given the potential impact on minority populations. (363) Jesse Choper, for example, had recommended that religious minority interests should be part of the calibration. (364)
The recognition and incorporation of multiple perceptions, when appropriate and feasible, would promote greater jurisprudential sensitivity and clarity. Decision-making could be enhanced, for example, by taking a debiasing “external assessment approach.” As Richard Re notes:
Thus, a court could attempt to assess and take account of the views of other actors, even when the court itself is “internally” certain that the other actor's reasonable view is incorrect. Scholars have labeled this basic approach an external assessment of ambiguity, by which one interpreter attempts to predict or imagine how other interpreters would resolve a particular issue.
(365)
This external assessment of ambiguity approach, in which the identity of the perspective plays a key role, is believed to enhance analytical clarity and predictability. Such a mode of interpretation may be more appropriate when there is limited information and the governing perspective is that of an actor other than the deciding court,
(366) conditions that apply in the recusal context. Ward Farnsworth explains that the external assessment approach focuses on how ordinary readers would view an ambiguous issue.
(367) Noting that internal assessments about ambiguity are dangerous because they are easily biased by strong (sometimes unconscious) policy preferences, Farnsworth observes that the “external estimates of ambiguity, while sometimes inaccurate, are nevertheless The external perspective…can serve as a useful heuristic in such cases where the clarity of a text is open to question, especially in areas of law where parties – or “ordinary readers” of the legal text in question – have a strong interest in notice. The external standard is a valuable corrective to the serious risks of bias that attend the more usual task of simply asking whether a statute seems clear to oneself.
(369)
The external approach in interpretation is a sensible one given that, as Christopher Brett Jaeger has noted, there is a distinction between legal reasonableness and lay reasonableness. Academic or theoretical discussions of the reasonable person, whose roots are empirical, are often divorced from the reality of how lay decision-makers encounter, understand, and apply the standard; it is an issue, he says, that deserves more attention. Jaeger posits that law should, as a normative matter, track the lay conception of justice and should mirror popular intuition.” (370)
This analytical backdrop leads to the fundamental practical question as to the identity of the voice(s) of the reasonable observer. As emphasized by the high courts of the United Kingdom, Australia, and South Africa, (371) the fair-minded reasonable person is a lay person, not the judge—notwithstanding the reality that some subjectivity will inevitably seep in because a human (the judge) is the medium for interpretation. Likewise, the perceptions of the public and parties, while not determinative or controlling, are worthy of consideration in the formulation of the heuristic since the confidence of the litigants and the parties in the judicial system is fundamental. (372) Finally, while more difficult to assess, the reasonable sensitivities and perceptions of apparent bias, shared by identifiable segments of the population, should be considered if their “voices” have relevance to the issues in the proceeding given the over-arching policy objective of impartial decision-making. (373)
The identity of the reasonable observer is difficult, yet fundamental, to the integrity of the decision-making process. The issue of the hypothetical reasonable observer raises philosophical, jurisprudential, and pragmatic concerns. Since the reasonable person/observer question must be rooted in the realities (albeit speculative) of the lay observer, an empirical assessment would be a rational way to proceed. But how? While recognizing that the reasonable observer question is ultimately one of law,
(374) and is not determined by a simple calculation of votes, Jessie Hill concludes that an empirical consensus is difficult (albeit inappropriate) to attain and, ironically, runs the risk of supporting a discriminatory majoritarian point of view.
(375) Nevertheless, she posits that the reasonable observer's task (i.e., the determination of public or social meaning) can be approached by evaluating all relevant information,
(376) similar to the suggestion made by the Canadian Supreme Court, which stated:
Judicial inquiry into context provides the requisite background for the interpretation and the application of the law. An understanding of the context or background essential to judging may be gained from testimony by expert witnesses, from academic studies properly placed before the court, and from the judge's personal understanding and experience of the society in which the judge lives and works.
If information is available, and if the task is reasonably feasible and evidentially relevant, the process of enlargement should be considered. Doing so would make the reasonable observer heuristic in appearance-based judicial ethics more principled, jurisprudentially sound, and responsive to the changing realities of contemporary society's pluralism.
Anglo-American jurisprudence identifies the metaphorical reasonable observer in generalities: fair-minded, reasonable, thoughtful, aware of the relevant facts and circumstances, and informed. As the prior discussion has indicated, the “informed” attribute has generated a considerable variety of opinion about the reasonable observer's level of knowledge and information. (378) How “informed,” “well-informed,” “fully informed,” or “knowledgeable” must the reasonable observer be? Discussion among judges and academics about the cognitive capacity and imputation of knowledge has occurred in two different legal contexts: constitutional religious endorsement and disqualification. Justice Stevens was particularly troubled by Justice O’Connor's more sophisticated formulation of the reasonable person heuristic as previously applied in the religious endorsement context. For Stevens, the legal construct of the reasonable observer unrealistically represented a well-schooled jurist and a personification of a community ideal who possessed a high level of legal and historical knowledge. (379)
Despite the different contexts (i.e., constitutional religious endorsement and rule-based judicial ethics), the basic jurisprudential challenges about the “informed” reasonable observer are similar. American commentators concluded that the heuristic (as it had been applied in the constitutional religious endorsement context) presented a highly problematic, over-idealized, unrealistic caricature regarding the imputed level of knowledge.
(380) Common law commentators have also expressed their concerns about the “informed” attribute regarding their recusal jurisprudence. As noted, some common law countries have imposed a more elaborate or rigorous standard of the informed attribute.
(381) That approach has been criticized.
(382) Although expressing his displeasure with the “artificial” and “unworkable” reasonable lay observer heuristic, and favoring a return to a judge-centric approach, Professor Olowofoyeku, noted a trend that common law courts were imbuing the informed observer with increased knowledge and understanding so courts can reach a “right outcome,” which he says is inconsistent with the rationales for interposing a hypothetical lay person to judge the appearance of bias. As such, he notes, “this impartial observer might as well be a judge.”
(383) Similarly, critical of imbuing the reasonable person with insider information and the workings of the judicial system, two commentators have viewed the application of a higher standard as a way for courts to justify their refusal to recuse.
(384) In their view, this interpretation of the informed observer augments the significance of the judge's sensibilities, hence subjectivity, and plays an important role in compromising judicial integrity and the apparent bias test.
(385) Simon Atrill, a proponent of a more nuanced observer test that emphasizes a balance of policy interests, likewise, viewed the imputation of a higher-level of knowledge as effectively facilitating a return to the
The Australian judicial system has stressed the importance of adopting realistic criteria for the variously described fictitious bystander. As the High Court of Australia explained: “Obviously, all that is involved in these formulae is a reminder to the adjudicator that, in deciding whether there is an apprehension of bias, it is necessary to consider the impression which the same facts might reasonably have upon the parties and the public.”
(388) To that end, Australia often omits the “informed” attribute in applying the reasonable bystander heuristic.
(389) For example, as noted in
The High Court of England and Wales noted that the fair-minded observer cannot be ascribed all the knowledge and, indeed, assumptions of a trained judge, adding “The fair-minded and informed observer can be assumed to have access to all the facts that are capable of being known by members of the public generally, bearing in mind that it is the appearance that these facts give rise to that matters, not what is in the mind of the particular judge or tribunal member who is under scrutiny.” (391)
How one describes—or embellishes—the attributes of the reasonable observer can be, knowingly or unwittingly, outcome-determinative. For conceptual and interpretive clarity, the reasonable observer should not be imbued with unrealistic or unnecessary qualities that threaten to convert the reasonable observer heuristic into a subjectivized judge-centric standard that muddies the focus of the standard (the objective and fair-minded lay member of the community) or undermines the standard's fundamental values (appearance of impartiality, public trust and confidence). If an “informed” attribute is deemed necessary, then it should be a simple one, connected to the relevant facts and circumstances of the case – an attribute that supports the desired qualities of being thoughtful, fair-minded, and reasonable. Simply put, how “informed” must one be to make a commonsense, reasonable assessment of a jurist's apparent impartiality? (392)
Identifying the voice and attributes of the reasonable observer is, as the high courts of Singapore and Australia recognized, the portal to understanding and applying a critical element of the apparent bias heuristic,
Commentators and jurists in the United States, on the other hand, have avoided (intentionally or unreflectively) such semantical quicksand. The approach has been devoid of meaningful analysis in the interpretation and application of the reasonable observer heuristic's “might reasonably be questioned.” The modal verb “might” is the outcome-determinative fulcrum of the standard. (396) “Might” and “would” are distinct terms. (397) Yet, because of the lack of interpretive guidance, there has been confusion regarding the level of probability required: does it connote, as one commentator has observed, a higher level of certainty (“would”) or lower a lower level of conceivability (“might”)? (398) In terms of American recusal principles and practice, the question raises an important jurisprudential issue. Within a fluid spectrum of uncertainty, what is/should be the appropriate level of belief and evidential proof ? (399) The dilemma of how to allocate the burden is exacerbated when information and human cognitive abilities are limited. (400)
Notwithstanding such constraints, the law has attempted to calibrate certitude, although, as one commentator has noted, remarkably no one has ever formulated an adequate model for applying the standards of proof. (401) Kevin Clermont notes: “The epistemological aim of evidence law is that the factfinder should construct a belief that corresponds to the outside world's truth. Probability thus reflects a measure of the chance of that correspondence existing between finding and reality.” (402) The traditional method of legal reasoning is through imprecise probabilities. Civil law, for example, assigns evidential burdens through various perspectives such as preponderance of the evidence or clear and convincing evidence. (403) Criminal law has adopted additional calibrations, such as reasonable suspicion, probable cause, and beyond a reasonable doubt. (404) The Singapore High Court, for example, placed the “imaginary scales of justice” in distinctly impressionistic terms: doubt, suspicion, likelihood, and more-likely-than-not. (405)
Academics have not been able to resist the allure of positing alternative theories and methods to identify degrees of probability and certitude.
(406) Evidential calibrations are inherently imprecise and unquestionably implicate a high degree of intuition and subjectivity in the decisionmaker. Attempts have been made to identify a hierarchy of standards of proof within the realm of traditional probability. Kevin Clermont, for example, disfavors quantification and has offered the following scale (“categories of uncertainty”) regarding decision-making:
(407)
Slightest Possibility Reasonable Possibility Substantial Possibility EQUIPOISE Probability High Probability Almost Certainty.
Clermont notes that a higher standard is a way to inform the factfinder that the burdened party must provide a stronger showing of probability; a better way to envisage the whole scale of likelihood, he says, is as a set of fuzzy categories, or coarse gradations, of likelihood. (408)
Nevertheless, there is a gravitational pull to seek greater clarity and certainty through the assignment of more specific metrics, although judges reportedly eschew numerical or percentile interpretations.
(409) Ronald Bacigal, for example, has reformulated the levels of certainty into five categories by assigning the following statistical benchmarks:
(410)
Slight Possibility (1% to 10%) Reasonable Suspicion (20% to 40%) Fair Probability (40% to 49%) More Likely Than Not (51%) High Probability (80% to 100%)
Irrespective of the challenge of identifying and assigning probabilistic numbers to the standards of proof, Clermont, for example, acknowledges that the law allows recovery upon much less than a 50% showing of probability. (411)
The discussion of heuristic calibration takes one closer to an understanding of what should be a potentially more principled and rational understanding of the disqualification standard's “might.” To do so, there is a need to expand the horizons by considering two related, but distinct, standards of proof that are applied in the criminal law context: probable cause and reasonable suspicion. (412)
In the context of Fourth Amendment law,
(413) “probable cause” is not what it appears to be. Probable cause is not synonymous with “probably.” Probable cause signifies more than
This discussion takes us to the U.S. concept of reasonable suspicion, which has its roots in
For our purposes, aside from its relatively lower-level quantitative aspect, the notion of suspicion is a fluid concept that reflects practical considerations of everyday life.
(420) Regarding both standards (reasonable suspicion and probable cause), the requirement of a narrative, factual explanation based on the totality of circumstances presented is important. The standards are concepts designed to explain,
There is a need to re-interpret the appearance-based disqualification standard in a manner that re-balances the equation away from popular notions of probability or certainty. In doing so, we need to acknowledge the current unreflective jurisprudential approach and the importance of principled, analytical clarity. The operative disqualification standard—when a judge's impartiality might reasonably be questioned—should be interpreted more carefully and less restrictively than it has been. The critical issue is how one interprets and applies the modal “might,” as modified by “reasonably.” In consideration of the preceding discussion about levels of belief, the appropriate level of scrutiny should be
Adrian Vermeule provides prudent advice about interpretation in decision-making -- judges should stick close to the surface level or literal meaning of clear and specific texts, resolutely refusing to adjust those texts by reference to a judge's conception of textual purpose, drafters’ understanding, public values and norms.
(424) In addition, consistent with Vermeule's advice, judicial implementation of the semantically clear disqualification standard should avoid unnecessary and potentially distorting adjectival amplifications of the evidential standard. The standard for the perception of judicial impartiality should not be qualified or amplified by terms like “substantial,” “significant,” or “serious,” which are often applied in an
b. The point simply is this: there is a vital public interest in subjecting the decisions of those engaged in any aspect of judicial or quasi-judicial work to the most exacting scrutiny in order to ensure that their decisions are not only beyond reproach in fact and indeed from the perspective of a lawyer or a judge but also beyond reproach from the perspective of a reasonable member of the public. The inquiry should be directed from the perspective at whether the events complained of provide a reasonable basis for such a person apprehending that the tribunal might have been biased.
(431)
Adjusting the level of scrutiny in accordance with the reasonable suspicion standard provides a sufficient baseline, as well as procedural flexibility, to protect the appearance of judicial impartiality in the difficult context of uncertainty, limited information, and the public's trust and confidence in the judicial system's integrity.
d.
e.
Judges have been placed in the difficult epistemic position of interpreting and applying a generalized, value-based, ethical standard with virtually no meaningful guidance. The approach in disqualification caselaw has been
To address the various allegations of short-comings (
Categorical (or
Heuristics are designed to support decision-making. Accordingly, the following model commentary may provide a useful synthesis of essential principles regarding the reasonable observer heuristic in appearance-based recusal. The model commentary would guide recusal decision-making and discretion. The proposed commentary seeks to compensate for the regrettable and surprising lack of analytical clarity in appearance-based recusal jurisprudence.
One might question whether the proposed commentary would (or might) provide jurisprudential value. It is important to acknowledge that much of the American caselaw reviewed in connection with this article demonstrated reasonable and jurisprudentially justifiable outcomes, even when the analyses therein may have been conceptually vague or garbled (for example, minimizing or ignoring the centrality of appearances, or improperly collapsing an appearance analysis into one of actual prejudice, or inconsistently using and referring to a verbal metric that favors the challenged and presumptively favored jurist). Nevertheless, there are cases, which have been cited herein, in which a clarifying analytical framework, faithful to the text of the recusal mandate and its underlying policy, could have produced a different, more recusal-sensitive result. (447) These examples portend the likelihood of other similar recusal dilemmas. As other commentators have suggested, it is often in the area of marginal or close cases—when reasonable persons disagree—that a better calibrated and clarifying heuristic can educate others and make a practical difference. (448)
Given the reported existence of bias in the judicial system, (449) including the challenging reality of implicit or unconscious bias, (450) a more analytically clear and ethically solicitous and sensitive recusal framework can provide value. (451) Instead of unreflective reliance on a vague metaphorical muse, a more nuanced and realistic reasonable observer heuristic (one that recognizes the interests and concerns of our pluralistic and polarized society in appropriate situations), coupled with a recusal-sensitive evidentiary standard (one that rejects probability or certainty), (452) could provide greater conceptual clarity and utility in cases that, for example, implicate potentially volatile or controversial matters such as race, gender, religion, sexual orientation, or politics. (453) Of course, such a sanguine viewpoint is necessarily tempered by the reality that it is difficult, if not impossible, to expose (yet alone prove) the hidden presence of actual bias or to assess whether the decision-maker has, in fact, properly reached a value judgment in accordance with the appropriate and elusive ethical standard. Nevertheless, as to the suggested model commentary, it is worthwhile to remember that the perfect can indeed be the enemy of the good. One can only aspire, not guarantee.
Judicial impartiality and its corollary, the appearance of impartiality, are fundamental to the rule of law and the public's fragile trust and confidence in the judicial system. Justice must be impartial in both substance and appearance. It is remarkable that, unlike the approach and head-spinning epistemic struggles of our common law relatives discussed herein (Australia, Canada, Singapore, South Africa, and the United Kingdom, which share our ethical and jurisprudential values), little judicial or academic analysis has been devoted in the United States to understanding or explaining the appearance-based ethical standard that mandates judicial disqualification (recusal) when a judge's “impartiality might reasonably be questioned.” There is a pressing need for greater analytical clarity.
The over-arching and semantically simple appearance mandate (also referred to herein as a standard or precept) is implemented in judicial disqualification cases through the heuristic device of the metaphorical “reasonable observer,” a descendant of the common law's venerable Reasonable Man. As a result of the perplexing analytical void in recusal caselaw, the application of the heuristic has facilitated considerable judicial latitude that paradoxically subjectivizes the so-called objective ethical standard governing recusal. The regrettable result has been inconsistent, conclusory, and jurisprudentially confusing decision-making. With little or no guideposts, other than the enigmatic fictional abstraction of the “reasonable observer,” judges must somehow find their way through a mysterious process that imaginatively interprets the mysterious wisdom whisperer. The challenging process impacts both the jurist's ethical responsibilities and the due process rights of the litigants. Through the make-believe perspective of the vague, fair-minded, and informed observer, judges have had to adopt an
Significantly (perhaps through interpretive habit, a collective consciousness, or inattention), judges have subtly reengineered the plain text of the ethical mandate, particularly its critical verbal fulcrum (the modal “might”). There has been a semantically interpretive plasticity that has resulted in the transmogrification of the ethical standard – jurists have adopted, perhaps unwittingly, a higher level of belief (“would”). Fortified by a presumption of judicial impartiality, the reengineering essentially becomes a probabilistic approach that ultimately re-balances the recusal judgment scale to the benefit of the “objective” decision-maker, the one who is the adjudicator and subject of the recusal challenge.
There should be greater recognition and understanding of what has occurred. Specifically, there should be a clear re-orientation in our jurisprudence that rationally reflects and implements the plain textual meaning of the ethical mandate and its underlying value—
After discussing and synthesizing the relevant jurisprudential-philosophical foundations and principles, as well as relevant recusal caselaw (American and common law), this article attempts to provide greater analytical clarity regarding the foundational principle of judicial impartiality. It culminates in a pragmatic proposal, in the form of a succinct model commentary, to accompany the governing ethical mandate. This model commentary, clearly recusal-sensitive, could provide much needed guidance to judges in more fully understanding, interpreting, and honoring their bed-rock ethical mandate of the appearance of impartiality. At a time in which the integrity of judicial decision-making and the rule of law are assuming increasing importance and scrutiny in our society, the public's trust and confidence must be of paramount importance.
J
Charles Geyh, in the context of discussing procedural reforms for recusal, once remarked that “able lawyers (and judges) can conjure plausible reasons for varying outcomes in every case that is not so frivolous as to warrant sanctions.”
F
Mephisto initially appears to Faust as a black poodle.
The objective reasonable person has originally been referred to, in common law (in the context of torts and contracts), as the “reasonable man.”
On the many uses and meanings of metaphor in everyday life,
Others have appropriated the term “magical legalism”.
William Baude & Stephen Sachs,
R
The terms
Some academics have noted a distinction in terminology regarding
M
Breyer
Petretta,
Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman have been pioneers in the study of heuristics and biases.
The concept was originally masculine, implying male attributes, but was eventually de-gendered to become a “person.”
Global Positioning System.
“Reasonableness” has been defined as: right thinking, right judgment, not absurd or ridiculous, not extreme, within bounds of reason, and rational.
Regarding the role of fictions in the law,
Attributes, however, may be heightened for one who possesses particular skills or a higher level of knowledge.
Lemon v. Kurtzman, 403 U.S. 604, 612–13 (1971).
U.S. C
Capital Square Rev. & Adv. Bd. v. Pinette, 515 U.S. 753, 779 (1995).
A word of caution is appropriate. Philosophical concerns can implicate significant practical consequences.
In re Bernard, 31 F. 3d 842, 844 (9th Cir. 1994).
In re United States, 441 F.3d 44, 67 (1st Cir. 2006). In an international context, the South African Constitutional Court observed that “absolute neutrality is a chimera.”
M
Although Judge Landis was successful in rescuing and restoring the reputation of American baseball, he was eventually censured by the American Bar Association for having received a monetary commission while also serving as a federal judge. Landis left the federal bench and served for many years as baseball commissioner until his death.
M
Regarding the theoretical and practical differences between a “rule” and “standard,”
The Code identifies categorical (per se) conditions that require automatic disqualification: personal bias or prejudice; judge's (or other designated persons’) relationship or financial interest regarding a party, lawyer, or witness in the proceeding; economic interest (of the judge or other designated persons) in the subject matter: campaign contributions; public (unofficial) statements of the judge (or as a judicial candidate) in the nature of an actual or apparent commitment relevant to the proceeding; and judge's professional or personal involvement with respect to the matter in controversy.
Justice Markman, for example, noted the confusion regarding the distinct actual bias and appearance standards.
This perspective contrasts with the reasonable man test, for example, in negligence cases, where the focus is on the reasonableness of the actor's conduct.
F
Murray v. Internal Revenue Serv., 923 F. Supp. 1289, 1293 (D. Idaho 1996). The evidential burden is similar in religious endorsement caselaw.
Matter of Mason, 916 F.2d 384, 386 (7th Cir. 1990).
P
In the context of religious endorsement cases,
Paul H. Thibadeau & Lea Boraditsky,
Humpty Dumpty replied: “The question is which is to be master—that's all.”
Parker v. Connors Steel, 855 F. 2d 1510 (11th Cir. 1988).
The common law cases cited herein exemplify this more analytical approach. Common law cases, however, can also be heavily factually detailed.
See
As with the “informed” attribute that has been attached to the reasonable observer, Canada seems to have adopted a more elevated metric of belief.
T
See
As the High Court of Australia noted in
The question is not intended to minimize the important fact that, as caselaw repeatedly emphasizes, disqualification analysis is fact-specific. The question posed herein is cautionary. Anglo-American disqualification analysis can run the risk of being overly “facty” or unnecessarily complicated, obfuscating the appearance standard and potentially converting it into an actual prejudice standard.
The caveat here is that application of the standards of proof and relevant tests may be comparatively helpful, but one must always be sensitive to whether the use is appropriate to the context.
U.S. C
Terry v. Ohio, 392 U.S. 1 (1968) (probable cause not required to conduct a limited protective search for weapons when police, based on specific reasonable inferences, believe that criminal activity may be afoot and that the person with whom he is dealing may be armed and dangerous).
Brennan-Marquez,
The caveat, however, is that Canada seems to have formally adopted a higher (“more likely than not”) approach.
As Professor Resnick notes, however, there is an inevitable inherent tension between contextual particularity and the urge for universals.
In Jitendra J.T. Shah v. Tex. Dept. of Criminal Justice, Civ. Action H-12-2126 (S.D. Tex., Sept. 16, 2013), a Hindu plaintiff sought the trial judge's recusal because of his pre-trial remarks that mentioned Hitler and racial identity. The plaintiff's litigation alleged racial and national origin discrimination. While the judge's questionable refusal to recuse seems to have been predicated on an actual prejudice rationale, the ultimate outcome (judgment for defendant) appears ultimately supportable given plaintiff's failure of proof.
Idaho v. Freeman was a very publicized case raising the politically sensitive issue of the constitutional validity of Idaho's ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment, which the Mormon Church strenuously and officially opposed. Recusal was sought because the trial judge had occupied a high leadership position as a regional representative in the Mormon Church, a position of responsibility considered akin to a cardinal in the Catholic Church. The trial judge asserted his actual impartiality and denied the recusal request.
Politicized matters can generate considerable public scrutiny of the judiciary's impartiality when a recusal challenge is presented. In discussing the growing skepticism of the judiciary's neutrality on politically sensitive topics, Cassandra Burke Robertson offers two cases, one from New York and the other from Ohio. In the New York litigation, involving the legality of New York City's controversial stop-and-frisk policy, the appellate court stayed the trial judge's ruling and disqualified her from the case because of the trial judge's prior statements and actions that might have led a reasonable observer to question the judge's impartiality.
For helpful and extensive commentary regarding recusal principles and caselaw relevant to these broad areas,