Contemporary communities are facing changes that radically or moderately transform landscapes. On the other hand, changing landscapes influence people’s perception of their geographical surroundings. This affects the relationships and emotional bonds with the landscape, because landscape changes are not always accepted by local communities. The critical point can be the loss of ties with the landscape caused by unhappy experiences due to the difficulty in coping with transformations taking place. In turn, the deteriorating quality of the landscape and living conditions (triggered by both natural factors and human interventions) evokes a sense of loss.
With this in mind, cases of strong NIMBYism (Not In My Back Yard) but especially LULU syndrome (Locally Unacceptable Land Use) are well known. However, NIMBYism can be expressed by an egoistic attitude, as well as by care for the landscape. Therefore, during planning processes (which are important for creating a sustainable future in urban areas and maintaining human well-being), administrative bodies should cooperate with inhabitants and create opportunities for community participation. In relation to landscape planning and city management, human–place bonding may have important implications too, as attachment to a certain place is shaped by personal experience and familiarisation with the surrounding landscape through direct contact with it.
In this paper, attachment to landscape has been considered from a dynamic perspective. It has been argued that unwanted changes of geographical locations imply a loosening of positive relations with a place and consequently, a tendency towards the feeling of detachment from a place. Following different models of emotional relations with place and landscape, the process of losing emotional ties with a place has been analysed. Based on this, a conceptual framework of detachment from a place has been constructed. This approach allows us to observe how critical situations and actions taken can determine the sense of place and sense of loss. The case study was in a post-mining landscape – a semi-natural ecosystem located in the fringe of Poznań city (Poland). This case study is a great example of a changing landscape: from mining to a semi-natural landscape, to a recreational and developed area.
The first part of the literature review deals with issues of emotional relations between people and places. As this article concerns a post-mining landscape, in the following sections the review of research on brownfields is presented, with special attention paid to the importance and functions of post-mining sites in the spatial structure of urban areas. In addition, the role of participatory planning is emphasised in the sections.
According to the European Landscape Convention (2000), landscape is
However, changes in landscape may cause controversy among landscape users. This is due to a strong NIMBYism with regard to psychological possession of a certain space and unwillingness towards any intervention (Devine-Wright 2013, DiEnno, Thompson 2013, Markuszewska 2021). Thus, affected communities demand the right to participate in the decision-making process, and by becoming active in spatial planning, they can feel responsible for the place they feel attached to (Manzo, Perkins 2006, Loupa Ramos et al. 2016, Jansson et al. 2019, MacKenzie et al. 2019, van der Sluis et al. 2019, Banini, Ilovan 2021).
The general meaning of place attachment is the emotional bonds between people and their physical settings, which comprehensively recognise people–place relations (Tuan 1974). This emotional affection with place is variable and depends on determining factors, processes, actions and circumstances; therefore, the intensity of attachment and attitude to places are inconstant and changeable over time (Lewicka 2011). The process of building a relationship with a place is multi-stage and complex and is based on constant and/or temporarily being in a place, concessions of place, getting a meaning of place, experiencing of place, gaining place satisfaction and creating a sense of place. All of these build, maintain and reshape emotional people–place relations (place attachment) that are expressed via place identity, place belonging and place dependence (Kasarda, Janowitz 1974, Tuan 1974, Relph 1976, Proshansky et al. 1983, Sack 1988, Williams et al. 1992, Hay 1998, Kals et al. 1999, Stedman 2002, Williams, Vaske 2003, Schultz et al. 2004, Manzo 2005, Cresswell 2009, Trentelman 2009, Stobbelaar, Pedroli 2011, Egoz 2013, Edwards 2019, Butler, Sarlöv-Herlin 2019, Ilovan, Markuszewska 2022).
As Samon (2014) noted: place interaction, place identity, place release, place realization, place creation, place intensification.
However, as he pointed out:
In turn, in a process of building sensitive bonds with a place, Markuszewska (2022) created a model of attachment to landscape. This model includes holistic and dynamic approaches that interpret people–landscape relationships under the constant influence of changeable policies about landscape planning and human management. In particular, it contains the following:
long-term residence and involvement in place, acting in and feeling about the material setting, accumulating unique experience in a physical setting, sentimental and emotional qualities of geographical surroundings, perception of and emotional relation to material setting.
The usefulness of this model was proved in analysing the concept of sensitive planning of landscape.
As for people–place relationships, some meaningful should be mentioned here. Scannell and Gifford (2010) proposed a tripartite framework of place attachment. This model refers to the personal context, the psychological process and place dimension. In turn, Raymond et al. (2010) compiled a three-dimensional model of place attachment, which consists of personal, community and natural environment attributes. The model of Diener and Hagen (2022) is composed of place and self/community, nature (materiality/familiarity), social relations (performance/partiality) and meaning (narration/memory). In the model of Ilovan and Markuszewska (2022), the spatial, temporal and social dimensions are intertwined in the formation of place attachment. Among others, it is worth mentioning the models of landscape identity compiled by Stobbelaar and Pedroli (2011), and Loupa Ramos et al. (2016).
To conclude, the place-oriented literature delivers a variety of models and descriptions of the process of building and preserving emotional relations with places and landscapes. However, only a small amount of the literature is devoted to processes of deconstructing and losing bonding with places and landscapes. Therefore, this paper contributes to the scope of detachment from a place.
Post-mining areas accompany many European urban agglomerations currently or formerly within the range of extraction of raw materials. Extraction of raw materials indicates its presence through the creation of post-mining conditions: water ponds with flora and fauna habitats that may contribute substantially to local biodiversity and recreational utility (Prach, Hobs 2008, Clewell, McDonald 2009). In addition, post-mining pits, especially in the past, were used as landfills (Markuszewska 2007).
One of the interesting processes that occurs in post-mining areas is re-naturalisation. This is due to a slight degradation of the environment and relatively easy self-regeneration to make it possible. Secondary succession on brownfields creates specific ecosystems, which relatively often become ecologically valuable semi-natural sites in the intensively developed urban pattern. Such areas, which are distinguished by a specific composition of fauna and flora, are nowadays unique in urban space – there are peculiar enclaves of nature within urban sprawl (Qiu et al. 2013, Jabareen, Eizenberg 2021, Zwierzchowska, Stępniewska 2022). However, these greeneries, which most often are used by local inhabitants for recreational purposes, also gain interest for housing development. This is why such situations can lead to conflicts over land use.
The range of literature on the incorporation of post-industrial areas into the city via investment and development is quite wealthy (cf. Garrett 2011, Mah 2012, DeSilvey, Edensor 2013, Ruelle et al. 2013, de Tejada Granados, van der Horst 2020). However, only a little interest is dedicated to post-mining areas that constitute a specific ecological urban enclave and create difficulties in the process of landscape planning (de Waal, de Wit 2012). This seems to be important as decisions made ignore the needs of local landscape users (Ociepa-Kubicka 2015). As has been noted (Smith 1994, 2000, Emami et al. 2015), social and procedural justice should be a key element in planning procedures. Emotional aspects and sensitive issues that bind people with a certain landscape should be considered as well (Brown, Raymnond 2007, Erfani 2022, Markuszewska 2022). Nevertheless, fulfilling the needs of local residents may be perceived as disregarding the needs of what is common to the public. For this reason, satisfying groups of interests should be an extremely skilful art of compromise relying on negotiation and dialogue (Markuszewska 2021).
The importance of public participation in decision-making with regard to landscape planning (its protection and management) is recognised as significant (The European Landscape Convention 2000). Of special importance is the relationship between people and their geographical location. Participation of local communities in the decision-making process provides answers on why and how people value their local surroundings and which places are of importance in their residential area (Solecka 2019), as well as how a place-making process is constructed by residents (Ilovan, Răcăşan 2022).
Concluding the above, urban post-mining areas (whose biography includes dynamic transformations in land use and functioning) can be a valuable case study of people–place interrelations. This is particularly desirable when landscape alteration does not gain unequivocal social acceptance, as is the case in this article.
This research was focused on how landscape changes trigger place-protection actions and reshape emotional relations with place. To do this, I studied the discourse between the local community (affected by potential landscape changes), the administrative body and urban planners (responsible for elaborating zoning plans). I analysed arguments that were presented by the affected community and intentions that guided this community. Apart from this, I investigated the critical opinion of the local community about bottom-up initiatives which, in public opinion, slowly but steadily transformed the wild place into a concrete jungle.
That being so, the collected data showed the fragile relations between people and place and how these emotional relations with place changed over time and were caused by landscape transition; in particular, how reshaping the neighbourhood results in a loss of sense of place, sense of belonging and identity with the place. By doing this, I indicated causes and effects of landscape changes, which translate into loss of attachment to the place. Referring to the model of creating attachment to a landscape (Markuszewska 2022), I presented the process of decaying a positive bond with a place, with special attention put on the sense of loss. I described the process of redefining the topophilia and outlined a pattern of relations between changes and the degree of attachment to a place, which turns into detachment with a place in the most extreme case (cf. Fig. 11).
The qualitative methods followed by the investigation were:
content analysis of word-data of literature, press documents and online newspapers, as well as social media (collecting data concerning the history of a place, the conflict over landscape changes and community perception about landscape changes), content analysis of planning and strategic documents (collecting data on possible scenarios of landscape transition), in-depth interviews (collecting data on community perception about landscape changes), study visit and community observation (collecting data on conflict about landscape planning), and field study and exploratory analysis (collecting photo documentation and observation of landscape changes).
The time spectrum for the most intense dispute covers the years 2018–2022, while landscape observation and photo documentation have been systematically carried out since 2000.
The case study is located in the south-western part of the city of Poznań (Fig. 1) (Poland). There are two post-mining areas separated by Głogowska Street. Of particular interest of research was the southern part, namely real estate belonging to the city of Poznań, while the northern part is under private ownership. Administratively, the southern part belongs to two housing estates Fabianowo-Kotowo and Świerczewo, while the north-eastern border is adjacent to the Górczyn housing estate. Special interest was focused on landscape (ca. 170 ha) for which the local zoning plan (
Location of the case study.
The landscape biography consists of overlapping layers of changes in time, in which the history of place is inscribed and represents the contemporary image of landscape. In relation to the analysed case study, among changes that have occurred over the past centuries, the most imperative was mining activity dating back to the 19th century.
The extraction of ceramic materials (clays and tills) was forced by city growth. The operation started in the 1930s and 1940s of the 19th century when Poznań experienced its spatial expansion, and ended in the post-war period (Markuszewska 2007). Several excavation zones were placed here and brickyard factories were also created.
Post-mining hollows (clay pits) were filling up with groundwater relatively quickly. Consequently, following 150 years of mining activity, more than 40 water ponds had been created. Most of them kept their shape until today and surface from the 1980s. The total area of the water ponds is around 150 ha, but individual surface varies between 1 and 14 ha. These post-mining ponds fulfil an important role as retention reservoirs (Tritt et al. 2022).
After the excavation was completed, the post-mining zone was left and was not reclaimed. The process of natural succession progressed very intensively. However, impurities were observed due to storing wastes. Even spontaneous vegetation did not charm away a bad reputation, which stuck to this place for good. Nonetheless, after years of neglect, this ecologically valuable ecosystem (a mosaic of water bodies, waterlogged areas, grass vegetation and woodlands) was rediscovered by residents of the city (Markuszewska 2007, Stępniewska, Abramowicz 2016). This naturally valued landscape attracted tourists. Anglers, cyclists and walkers were the first penetrators; it was by no means an advanced touristic escapism. Only the touristic adaptation (since 2015) made this place famous among the residents of the city. Pedestrian and cycling paths between the ponds, beauty spots, viewing terraces, pond jetties, barbecue area, benches, litter bins and information boards, as well as a 25-m lookout tower were supposed to serve this place for tourists.
Consequently, growing recreational opportunities, continuing littering and progressive land development (e.g. filled-in water ponds, investments approaching boundaries of water bodies, concreting paths) contributed to threats towards existing habitats of flora and fauna (cf. Kluza-Wieloch 2022, Kluza-Wieloch, Janyszek 2022). However, the expansion of ruderal species and the disappearance of protected plants had been observed before. A botanic and faunistic inventory made in 2005 discovered a disturbing tendency of vanishing flora habitats in comparison to the floristic and fauna inventory carried out in the 1990s (Borysiak, Markiewicz 2005). As Matuszyńska (2001) noted, the former inaccessibility of this land due to wets and bogs made people hesitant to penetrate it, leaving animals with suitable habitats. Finally, the proximity of Głogowska Street (and its upgrade in 2005) reinforced landscape fragmentation. Although these two former mining areas have always been separated by this road, ecosystems isolation and alteration of flora and fauna were progressing since the transport infrastructure was expanded.
It should be added that to protect the habitats of endangered bird species, regionally unique meadows, low peat bogs, and diverse flora of dump and wet habitats, selected wetlands were legally protected as ecological areas (Uchwała nr CV/610/94). However, the amendment of the law in 2000 revoked this legal protection. This does not mean that the valuable plant communities in the former ecological areas are lost (Wrońska-Pilarek, Kluza-Wieloch 2022).
The heritage value of post-mining sites is shaped the most by historical values (cf. Heatherington 2012). In terms of the sense of place identity, the specificity of
A few years ago, a public vote was organised over a new name for the area of the analysed case study. Of the two proposals,
As for the local streets,
Moreover, a visual image of post-mining places are the remnants of brickyards. There is one brickyard in the northern part; however, it is now very dilapidated. Within the southern part, there are remnants of two brickyards. One of them (located at the Leszczyńska Street and established at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries) was a part of the Świerczewo farm complex, which comprised of the brickyard building, the brickyard owners’ house, a residential building for servants and employees (detached with a stable, a coach house and a granary) and the so-called holiday home (located on the border of a park and a brickyard). This brickyard operated until 1971. In 1975, it was destroyed in a fire and afterwards, was completely demolished. However, to this day, some buildings of the farm complex have survived and are used as residential and service buildings. The second area of the former brickyard and tile factory is located at Mieleszyńska Street. Although a few parts of the buildings have survived, they are in poor condition (Prognoza oddziaływania na środowisko… 2020).
The formal proceedings of a local zoning plan (the chapter
When elaborating a local zoning plan, the guidelines of a master planning document – Study of conditions and directions of the spatial development (pol.
Proposition of land development – a draft local zoning plan (on the left). The land use in 2018 (on the right).
Source: Miejska Pracownia Urbanistyczn, Poznań.
In 2018, a debate took place about the propositions to the draft plan. On 24 April, a meeting between city planner’s residents was organised, and between 24 April and 10 May, the residents submitted questions and proposals to the draft zoning plan. At that time, in June, I organised a study visit (Fig. 3) with members of three housing estates: Fabianiwo-Kotowo, Świerczewo, and Górczyn, as well as with representatives of the neighbouring town of Luboń. During a few hours’ long walk, I had the chance to get to know about the conflict situation between landscape users and landscape planners. Visiting each hot spot was a chance to discuss future landscape changes, including scenarios proposed by the urban planners and other alternative scenarios proposed by the local community. The concluding remarks from this study visit can be summarised by what one of the participants said:
A study visit in Szachty.
At this point it is worth taking a closer look at some areas of disagreement. In the draft zoning plan, two areas of housing development were proposed. Both were located in the environs of the above-mentioned brickyards: at Mieleszyńska and Leszczyńska Streets. As for the former (Fig. 4), the proposed investment (multi-family and service buildings) reaches one of the water ponds at a close distance. It is estimated that the currently biologically active surface would have been reduced to 20%, while 80% would have been developed (buildings, parking lots and sidewalks). To do this, trees and bushes currently growing there would have to be felled (about several hundred trees, over an area of 55,000 m2) (Osiedle Świerczewo, Portal Osiedlowy, 2019.10.15). The same is the case for Leszczyńska Street (Fig. 5).
Proposed landscape changes at Mieleszyńska Street. On the left – the current land use in the vicinity of the lookout tower (
Source: Osiedle Świerczewo, Portal Osiedlowy.
Proposed landscape changes at Leszczyńska Street. On the left – the current land use in the vicinity of the gardeners’ house (
Source: Osiedle Świerczewo, Portal Osiedlowy.
The next stage of discussion took place in autumn 2019. The draft plan (including Environmental Impact Assessment [EIA]) was made available for the public and a meeting with the residents was also organised. By the statutory deadline (4 November 2019), the planning office had received 98 comments sent by 34 persons. Finally (by 21 November), the governance body made the decision to include 24 comments and disregard 74 comments (including 31 partially). The changes made forced another round of debate, scheduled on 2020.
Discussion over a draft plan attracted the local media attention. Journalists took part in public debates, keeping up to date with them. In one of the articles (recounting the meeting organised on 16 October) (Gazeta Wyborcza, 2019.10.17), attention was drawn to green areas in
At that meeting, the issue of landownerships was also raised. The vast majority of land properties here are under city ownerships. Local residents suspected that the zoning plan was a commissioned project by the city governance. In the residents’ opinion, as expensive a sale as possible of the most valuable land plots is in the interest of the governors. The most valuable land plots mean those located near water ponds and surrounded by greenery, that is, offering attractive locations in terms of residence. In particular, private land owners (despite repeated requests) have never received the development conditions. Lack of consent to the development conditions was the reason why residents suspected that a developer company had made an unofficial agreement with the city government to take control of this land after the zoning plan was accepted. However, the manager of the planner’s team denied such suggestions, although he admitted that when creating the plan, it was necessary to take into account the ownership of the plots in order not to expose the city to compensation payments (Gazeta Wyborcza, 2019.10.17).
Previous proceedings did not dispel residents’ doubts. Thus, local activists organised a petition (signed by 3940 people). The authors of the petition emphasised that the proposals of the local plan undermine the efforts of estate councillors and local residents, who created this space for common use. In the petition, the role of
Finally, the actions taken by residents, councils of local housing estates and city councillors resulted in a compromise being worked out. The zones of multi-family housing at Mieleszyńska and Leszczyńska Streets have been significantly reduced (cf. Figs 6 and 7).
Proposed landscape changes at Mieleszyńska Street. On the left – the land use in the vicinity of the lookout tower (
Source: Osiedle Świerczewo, Portal Osiedlowy.
Proposed landscape changes at Leszczyńska Street. On the left – the land use in the vicinity of the gardeners’ house (
Source: Osiedle Świerczewo, Portal Osiedlowy.
The zoning plan,
When the area of
As an example, content analysis of the discourse on paving one of the paths along the pond –
However, opinion was divided on whether this improvement was necessary. We can read: (1)
Other statements were: (1)
Many critical comments about this investment can be found on the fanpage. They overwhelm the positive ones. The concreting is considered as the most controversial interference: (1)
The view of Rozlany Pond.
An example of concreting and touristic improvement.
A fragment of the wild area of Szachty.
The area of
Soothing the anxiety of paving the path around
In response to widespread criticism of concreting and making this area accessible to tourists, the bad reputation this place used to have in the past is returning: a neglected area attracting pathology, and a place that was known for making dark business. There are, however, voices refuting this criticism: (1)
To conclude, in one of the comments we find a reflection on what sharing greenery means:
The above analysis presents local residents’ feedback on top-down proposals and grassroots initiatives, both of which change the landscape of
Bearing this in mind, it can be concluded that for a significant number of landscape users, both top-down and bottom-up initiatives met with their undisguised reluctance. People who are deeply attached to the landscape of
It has been proved that exploring wildness can lead to building a strong emotional bond with a place (cf. Folmer et al. 2019). Consequently, being in the landscape of
Experiencing wildlife is perceived as an extraordinary experience. People’s bonds with local green places make that place special. Based on repeated visits, people build a relationship with local wildlife. Wildlife experiences in specific places are often strongly entwined with a person’s (past) life biography (cf. Folmer et al. 2019). For such people, the comfort of being in the bosom of nature means the immutability of the landscape, penetrating what is known, and the predictability of expectations in terms of contact with nature. Many people complain that
The results of the study indicated a significant losing of sense of place. The feeling of emotional disconnection to landscape was also detected.
In shaping the attachment to landscape, the importance of factors and processes that make the placeless become a place is emphasised (see the literature review section). In the case of losing emotional attachment to a place, there is a question about conditions that transform an emotionally valued place into placelessness. The outline of the place-losing process due to landscape changes, which has been created based on the findings of this study (Fig. 11), proves that the milestone is a feeling of loss. Traumatic loss of place affects the sense of place. This can also be confirmed by the results of studies on solastalgia (cf. Albrecht et al. 2007, Galway et al. 2019). The feeling of solastalgia is very hard to accept due to people’s lived emplacement and place experience.
Figure 11 illustrates the interdependence of stages of landscape transformation, perception of a changing place and the emotional relationships between people and landscape. It starts from building a positive emotional relationship with place, through to maintaining placement due to landscape domestication, to symptoms of traumatic experience of being in place that provokes the feeling of detachment from place. The course of both lines, reflecting the intensity of landscape metamorphosis and shifting human– place relations, is not accidental. Both variables are interdependent and significant changes affect one another. Specifically, a devastated post-mining landscape has been reshaped into a semi-natural space thanks to re-naturalisation. The landscape became domesticated and placelessness has been accepted by local people. Positive emotional relations with place have gone through various stages of creating bonds with landscape, including a very significant one – place satisfaction. However, the turning points that are of fundamental importance are as follows: the sense of place (as a manifestation of topophilia) and the sense of loss (that initiates a permanent break of emotional ties with place and expresses topophobia). The sense of loss (solastalgia) also expresses deep discouragement towards place, which until recently has been a source of many positive interactions with landscape. The loss of the feeling of at-homeness results in rejection of the current transformation of the landscape.
Shaping emotional relationships between people and place due to landscape changes.
This paper discusses place-oriented values via place-protection actions against unwanted landscape changes reported by the affected community. The relationships between landscape changes and the perception of these changes by the local community were studied.
The most important findings include the following:
– the results showed that local residents lose emotional ties with their landscape due to the landscape being transformed in a way that they do not accept. This means that landscape changes can stimulate a sense of loss and a feeling of detachment from the emotionally valued places. Based on this, a conceptual framework of detachment from a place was constructed; – the findings revealed that a feeling of solastalgia (traumatic experience of losing the connection with place) was a starting point for creating the process of topophobia and people’s detachment from the landscape; – the results indicated that the feeling of losing a positive relationship with place (topophilia) due to landscape transition does not have to apply to all inhabitants of an analysed case study. With this in mind, the emotional reaction to unwanted landscape changes and the process of detachment from a place is worth investigating further. Therefore, there is a need to deepen research on detachment from places, and the methodology developed should be tested on various case studies, which will give feedback on the cause–effect relationships of breaking bonds with landscapes. It is necessary to add that although the case analysed here (
As for