<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">

In his recent book, Capital and Ideology, French economist Thomas Piketty devotes the final chapter to the changing dimensions of political conflict in Western democracies. The goal of this article is to confront some of his findings with mainstream political science. Piketty’s arguments are confronted with the findings of scholars within political science. To begin the article, we establish two research questions in the introduction. We then delineate the gradual reversal of the educational cleavage and subsequent emergence of the multi-elite system according to Piketty. He demonstrates how the classist conflict prevailing in the 1950s and 60s morphed into the Brahmin Left versus the Merchant Right system, with the “Left” being supported by the more educated electorate and the “Right” being supported by the relative well-offs. In the following two sections, we deal with his arguments regarding the causes and the outcomes of this gradual shift. Firstly, he proposes two hypotheses regarding the metamorphosis of the Left: the social and nativist hypotheses. We argue that neither of the two hypotheses is actually a comprehensive explanation and we propose alternative that takes into account the changing structure of social classes. Secondly, with regards to the outcomes of the reversal of the educational cleavage, Piketty considers one of the consequences of this shift to be a social-nativist trap, a combination of pro-redistribution policies and cultural nativism. We have concluded that the social-nativism is not a trap per se as much as an inevitability resulting from the less advantaged class feeling abandoned in the multi-elite political conflict.
</abstract>

Brahmin Left Vs. Merchant Right: The Miscellaneous Causes and Consequences

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">

The question of how satisfied people are with the workings of their national democracy has oft en been criticized but is still the international standard measurement of satisfaction with democracy (SWD). In this paper we explore the benefits of adding questions about remembered and expected satisfaction ‘ten years ago’ and ‘ten years from now’, as were asked in the ISSP citizenship surveys of 2004 and 2014. Based on the data from seventeen European countries, we find that national samples:
<list list-type="bullet">
<list-item>■ do not show universal ‘nostalgia’,</list-item>
<list-item>■ produce good guesses of past satisfaction but show no futurist insights,</list-item>
<list-item>■ give retrospective judgments that do not correlate well with changes in expert opinions,</list-item>
<list-item>■ give retrospective judgments that do not correlate well with changes in the share of the populist vote.</list-item>
</list>
At the individual level we find:
<list list-type="bullet">
<list-item>■ that in almost all countries expected satisfaction with democracy ten years from now is a better predictor of political trust and feelings of political efficacy than satisfaction with democracy today,</list-item>
<list-item>■ that in almost all countries expected satisfaction with democracy ten years from now is a better predictor of the preference for populist voting (in one national case study),</list-item>
<list-item>we note that Poland is the only country in our sample where citizens were, in 2014, retrospectively more positive about the development of their democracy, probably due to the severe economic conditions Poland faced in 2004.</list-item>
</list>
Overall, we do not find evidence for the relevance of retrospective judgements, but some evidence for the relevance of prospective judgements. We recommend further research into individual changes in present satisfaction and perceptions of these changes to better understand the frames of reference of ‘satisfaction with democracy today’.
</abstract>

Satisfaction with Democracy in Perspective: Anchoring Today By Looking Back and Forward

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">

The change of the law regarding the Institute of National Remembrance conducted by the right-wing government of Law and Justice in Poland probably led to the most serious diplomatic crisis in Polish-Israeli relations since their resumption in 1990. The whole situation has been widely described in the Polish and Israeli media. The role of this article is to analyse the content of two newspapers: Polish Gazeta Polska Codziennie and Israeli Israel Hayom, between 25 January and 31 March 2018. The two right-wing-leaning daily newspapers selected by the authors are perceived as not entirely objective due to open support for governments in their countries and as openly expressing their opinions, often in a controversial manner. It makes them a perfect case to compare the narrative about the diplomatic crisis between Poland and Israel.
</abstract>

Diplomatic Crisis Between Poland and Israel in Right-Wing Dailies

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">

Hungary joined the European Union in 2004 but started to participate in EU crisis management operations well before. Since the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) was a new policy area at that time, it was an extraordinary experience for Hungary to be integrated into a policy still under development.
Aft er briefly detailing the foreign and security policy options Hungary faced right after the transition from communism, this paper analyses Hungary’s contribution to the CSDP. The CSDP is based on two pillars — one operational and the other related to capability-building. The paper first analyses Hungary’s participation in the civilian and military operations launched in the framework of the CSDP. Specifically, it explores the operations Hungary has joined, the kind of capacities it has contributed and the deficiencies and problems that have emerged in this sphere. Second, the paper addresses Hungary’s perspectives and aspirations regarding capability development. Specifically, it looks at how Hungary views the future of the CSDP, especially in light of the country’s participation in permanent structured cooperation (PESCO), the central element in the EU’s joint defence capability development.
Methodologically, the paper employs qualitative content and discourse analysis, drawing on relevant secondary literature and analyses of official EU and Hungarian (legislative and non-legislative) documents. Surveying Hungary’s participation in EU crisis management operations since the beginning of the CSDP, the paper finds it has joined 42 per cent of civilian and 70 per cent of military operations. These have been in the immediate neighbourhood but also distant locations (Africa, Central Asia, and the Near East). At the same time, distinct challenges have hampered Hungary’s contribution to certain operations, such as a dearth of foreign language skills and a lack of strategic airlift and mobile logistics capabilities. The paper also finds that regional defence cooperation was not the central driver of cooperation within PESCO projects. Overall, Hungary is somewhere in the middle of the pack in terms of the number of PESCO projects it participates in.
</abstract>

Evaluating Hungary’s Participation in the European Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">

This paper discusses Poland’s policy approach regarding the space-sector. The paper covers the period from 2012 to the end of 2019, i.e. the period of Poland’s membership in the European Space Agency. It tackles the institutional development of the sector. The paper’s main thesis is that positive developments occurred during the analysed period supporting development of the Polish space sector, which however has not resulted in transparent responsibility-division or their concentration in a single ministry. On the contrary, competence disputes have intensified. These disputes do not strengthen the position of the space sector, nor the evolution of the Polish Space Agency. The statutory changes have actually led to the degradation of the significance of the Polish Space Agency and its transition from a space policy integrator to the expert support structure of individual ministries. Therefore, there is no strong entity capable of effective coordination and promotion of Polish space policy in the country and abroad.
</abstract>

Poland’s Policy in the Space Sector: The Institutional Dimension Since Joining the European Space Agency

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">

The effects of the observed climate changes constitute a real problem in the surrounding environment due to the scale and frequency of natural catastrophic events. This state of affairs prompts various types of entities, including institutions, to undertake adaptation measures as part of environmental policy, both at the international and local levels. In Poland, the entities responsible for the implementation of this policy at the local level are, inter alia, the voivodeship, the poviat and the commune authorities. The authors present the Urban Adaptation Plans (MPA for short) prepared in 44 Polish cities, which can be an example of a document where the main goal is to increase the adaptability of cities to a changing climate.
On the basis of the identified list of types of adaptation measures provided for in all prepared Urban Adaptation Plans, the pragmatic nature of the implemented adaptation measures has been demonstrated, which will not cause any changes to basic attributes of the social and ecological system of cities. Thus, 44 cities in Poland will manage the process of gradual adaptation up to 2024, i.e., until when the Urban Adaptation Plans will require updating.
</abstract>

Adaptability in Environmental Policy at the Commune Level Carried Out in Poland Based on the Example of the Urban Plan of Adaptation to Climate Changes

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">

This article is a review of a paper titled <italic>International political authority: on the meaning and scope of a justified hierarchy in international relations</italic> written by Daniel Voelsen and Leon Schettler. The growing power and authority of international organizations has been perceived by many as a sign of a new global order where the concept of sovereignty of the state is replaced with the constitutional principles of democracy, human rights and the rule of law. Recently, a tendency has been observed to consider international organizations as autonomous, legitimate institutions possessing political authority. However, it is rather challenging to find one and the complex understanding of political authority that encompasses all components that construct it. Voelsen and Schettler offer a detailed analysis of the concepts of international authority that are present in the literature and even criticize them. In this article, the conducted research is reviewed and scrutinized in detail.
</abstract>

International Political Authority: On the Meaning and Scope of a Justified Hierarchy in International Relations (Voelsen &amp; Schettler, 2019)

Book Review: Michał Krzyżanowski, “Brexit and the Imaginary of ‘Crisis’: A Discourse-Conceptual Analysis of European News Media,” Critical Discourse Studies 16, No. 4 (2019): 465–490

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Polish Political Science Review

The Polish Political Science Review (PPSR), or Polski Przegląd Politologiczny, is an online, peer-reviewed (double-blind review process), open-access journal. All articles are published in English. Once a year, the list of reviewers is published on the website of the PPSR. Issues are released twice a year and are available without charge for all users. In this manner a wide dissemination of all published articles is facilitated. The PPSR is not restricted to the Polish socio-political reality but is aimed at a broad, international readership and collaboration in various areas of political research. The following general domains fall under the scope of the PPSR:   Public Policy　  Comparative Politics　  Political Theory and Political Thought　  International Relations　  Political Communication　  Modern History　  Interdisciplinary Studies　   We invite scholars, researchers, PhD students and professionals to submit their research articles, theoretical papers, case studies and book reviews. Both established academics and researchers in the early stages of their academic careers are welcome. The PPSR is focused on political issues, but interdisciplinary research areas are also accepted.　  Why submit to PPSR?　  The PPSR has an international editorial board consisting of profound scholars and experts in the field of political science.  All articles are subject to a rigorous process of double blind peer-review, and the reviewers are carefully selected in accordance with their declared field of expertise and academic interests. Articles are reviewed by two or three independent reviewers, none of whom may be affiliated or employed at the same institution as the author of the article. The referee affiliation is different from the affiliation of the author. Additionally, the author and referee will not be the co-authors of any scientific work 3 years prior to submitting the paper to PPSR. Preferebly, articles are sent to reviewers from two different countries. All issues of the PPSR are available online (with no charge). Full proofreading and technical support is provided by the PPSR. PPSR ensures highest quality of the reviewing and publishing processes. 　  With open access of the publication, PPSR ensures broad accessibility of the published texts which can be spread, quoted and re-analysed, contributing to the further development of scientific knowledge. The journal collects no fees from either readers or authors. Contributors are not charged for consideration, review or publication of manuscripts　  Polish Political Science review is owned, managed and funded by the Institute of Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Wrocław, Poland  Archiving  Sciendo archives the contents of this journal in Portico - digital long-term preservation service of scholarly books, journals and collections.  Plagiarism Policy  The editorial board is participating in a growing community of Similarity Check System's users in order to ensure that the content published is original and trustworthy. Similarity Check is a medium that allows for comprehensive manuscripts screening, aimed to eliminate plagiarism and provide a high standard and quality peer-review process. 