<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"><p>Erlewine (2017) suggests that certain sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Mandarin Chinese such as “sentential <italic>le</italic>” and <italic>eryi</italic> are located lower than the C-domain, using a number of arguments relating to the scopal interaction of these SFPs, subjects, and other verb phrase (<italic>v</italic>P) level elements. The present paper proposes an alternative view of the phenomena considered by Erlewine (2017) and maintains the claim that sentential <italic>le</italic> and <italic>eryi</italic> are C-domain elements. First, I argue that <italic>shi</italic> ‘be’, in the negative form – <italic>bu shi</italic> ‘not be’ – should be analyzed as an independent verb, which takes a clausal complement headed by <italic>le</italic> or <italic>eryi</italic>. The apparent narrow scope of <italic>le</italic> and <italic>eryi</italic> is due to the biclausal analysis of the entire sentence. Second, the sentence-initial determiner phrase (DP) cannot be analyzed as the real subject of the verb <italic>shi</italic> ‘be’ but must be analyzed as the matrix topic of the entire sentence and, therefore, is higher than the complementizer phrase (CP) headed by <italic>le</italic> or <italic>eryi</italic>. This explains why sometimes <italic>le</italic> or <italic>eryi</italic> does not have scope over the subject. Third, the <italic>wh</italic>-subject cannot get an indefinite reading in a sentence with a final particle <italic>le</italic> because the ∃-closure triggered by <italic>le</italic> applies at the I′-level by excluding the subject systematically (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_scl-2018-0004_ref_011_w2aab3b7b1b1b6b1ab1ac11Aa">Huang 1982</xref>). The ∃-quantifier, which is introduced in a position lower than the surface subject position, cannot bind the <italic>wh</italic>-subject as a variable. The position where ∃ is generated remains independent of whether the ∃-closure is triggered by low particles, such as <italic>le</italic>, or by high particles, such as the <italic>yes–no</italic> question particle <italic>ma</italic>. Therefore, the low peripheral particles <italic>le</italic> and <italic>eryi</italic> are still within the CP domain and thus higher than <italic>v</italic>P.</p></abstract>

Erlewine (2017) suggests that certain sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Mandarin Chinese such as “sentential le” and eryi are located lower than the C-domain, using a number of arguments relating to the scopal interaction of these SFPs, subjects, and other verb phrase (vP) level elements. The present paper proposes an alternative view of the phenomena considered by Erlewine (2017) and maintains the claim that sentential le and eryi are C-domain elements. First, I argue that shi ‘be’, in the negative form – bu shi ‘not be’ – should be analyzed as an independent verb, which takes a clausal complement headed by le or eryi. The apparent narrow scope of le and eryi is due to the biclausal analysis of the entire sentence. Second, the sentence-initial determiner phrase (DP) cannot be analyzed as the real subject of the verb shi ‘be’ but must be analyzed as the matrix topic of the entire sentence and, therefore, is higher than the complementizer phrase (CP) headed by le or eryi. This explains why sometimes le or eryi does not have scope over the subject. Third, the wh-subject cannot get an indefinite reading in a sentence with a final particle le because the ∃-closure triggered by le applies at the I′-level by excluding the subject systematically (Huang 1982). The ∃-quantifier, which is introduced in a position lower than the surface subject position, cannot bind the wh-subject as a variable. The position where ∃ is generated remains independent of whether the ∃-closure is triggered by low particles, such as le, or by high particles, such as the yes–no question particle ma. Therefore, the low peripheral particles le and eryi are still within the CP domain and thus higher than vP.

Derivation of the Apparent Narrow Scope of Sentence-Final Particles in Chinese: A Reply to Erlewine (2017)

Institut Universitaire de France, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique

Studies in Chinese Linguistics

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License.

Erlewine (2017) suggests that certain sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Mandarin Chinese such as “sentential le” and eryi are located lower than the C-domain,...

Derivation of the Apparent Narrow Scope of Sentence-Final Particles in Chinese: A Reply to Erlewine (2017)

Publié en ligne: 07 mars 2019

Pages: 99 - 126

Reçu: 23 avr. 2018

Accepté: 18 juil. 2018

DOI: https://doi.org/10.2478/scl-2018-0004

Mots clés
sentence-final particle, left periphery, cartography, scope, Mandarin Chinese

© 2018 Victor Junnan Pan, published by Sciendo

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License.

Derivation of the Apparent Narrow Scope of Sentence-Final Particles in Chinese: A Reply to Erlewine (2017)

Publié en ligne: 07 mars 2019

Pages: 99 - 126

Reçu: 23 avr. 2018

Accepté: 18 juil. 2018

DOI: https://doi.org/10.2478/scl-2018-0004

Mots cléssentence-final particle, left periphery, cartography, scope, Mandarin Chinese

© 2018 Victor Junnan Pan, published by Sciendo

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License.

Mots clés
sentence-final particle, left periphery, cartography, scope, Mandarin Chinese