<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>As interdependence grows, economic issues are increasingly political in their nature and impact, and political issues are increasingly economic. The interdependence is acute in issues that relate to international trade, and especially in the case of landlocked countries. Nepal is one such land-locked country, being between India and China, whose economy depends on the trade relations with its neighbouring countries. Two-thirds of Nepalese trade depends on India. The article presents a summary of Nepal-India trade cooperation, primarily the Nepalese dependence in trade and transit route to India and its effects. It also presents an overview of the trade pattern between the two countries and focuses on the trade embargoes by India. The article analyses the reason behind the embargoes of 1969, 1989 and 2015 and how the situations have been resolved. The embargoes imposed by India on Nepal seem to be more political in nature and their impacts are both political and economic. The Indian embargoes in Nepal follow an objective of compliance, deterrence and subversion. By analysing India’s pursuance of trade embargoes against Nepal, the article reaffirms that landlocked nations such as Nepal are susceptible to manipulation by geopolitical threats since neighbouring countries adjust trade ties or use trade ties to fulfil their political, security and economic interests.</abstract>

Trade Embargo as a Geopolitical Tool: A Case of Nepal-India Trade Relations

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>Nowadays most of the world’s metropolises, cities, and conglomerations are substantially contaminated by noise. Development of civilization based on the intensification of car, rail, and air traffic, an increase of building density and, consequently, green areas reduction has led to major problems. Highlighting this negative phenomenon was one of the main objectives of this article. The process of noise pollution reduction is hindered not only by the needs of population growth, but also in a number of selected cities of the United States, Europe or Asia — aggressive sounds together with light and visual communications — emitted into public space, become an important element of commercial activities and remain a permanent, and even desirable, element of community culture and entertainment. The outlined problems are referred to in the introduction and discussion parts of this manuscript. At the same time, there are a number of solutions, both those currently applied and those possible to be introduced into the space of cities, which allow reduction of noise in selected zones of public and private sectors. One of the examples in the discussed field of science and practice is Tokyo — a multi-million metropolis, in which residents can experience silence both in workplaces, on streets and at home, despite the extraordinary civilization development of this metropolitan structure. Outcome analysis of solutions, used in the example city, forms the second part of the discussion in the article. Nowadays, when cities of the world are polluted with unwanted sounds, this case study is valuable, allowing the formulation of a set of clear recommendations for noise limitation in urban spaces — which are presented in the conclusions of the article. It is also worth mentioning that the spread of smart and humanized solutions aimed at noise reduction is crucial in order to build user- and environment-friendly urban environments in the near future.</abstract>

Urban Noise Pollution Prevention — Tokyo Case Study

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>The objective of this analysis is to examine political party leadership with reference to the rules and results of its selection process in post-communist Poland. The exploration of these matters is based on qualitative and quantitative data concerning 16 different political parties and 80 selections they conducted in the years 1990-2013. The comprehensive research methods employed for this study ranged from in-depth analysis of particular election results to analysis of constitutional and structural party variations. This extensive investigation enables the reader to draw conclusions about Polish intra-party politics and to understand the vetting processes that Polish politicians must undergo. The findings indicate that political parties tend to address wider selectorates; and that the rules of selection are transparent, democratic, and empirically predictable.</abstract>

The Selection of Party Leaders in Poland: Democratisation of Rules and Predictability of Results

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>The main aim of the article is to present the relationship between urban policy and the marketing activity of the presidents of Wrocław, Wałbrzych, Legnica, and Jelenia Góra during the period of the 2014 local government election campaign. Analysis of the marketing activity of the presidents, conducted via chosen social media, enables presentation of the most important conditions and reasons for using urban policy in the competition for the support of citizens – potential voters. First, it will show that the marketing actions of a president during an election campaign are not the means of creating the image of a city but gaining the support of voters. Second, the analysis will prove that the election message constructed by presidents is based on the actions conducted in the various areas of urban policy.</abstract>

Urban Policy in Election Campaigns – The Case of the Presidents of the Biggest Cities of Lower Silesia

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>Scholars have long debated the normative rationality, the temporal and legal aspects, and finally the limits and modern practices of parliamentary immunity. Therefore, this study does not insist on these classical interpretations anymore, but seeks to contribute to a comprehensive understanding of the conceptual history of <italic>parliamentary immunity.</italic> Embracing two schools of thought, the Koselleckian interpretation and the Skinnerian variant, this paper aims to establish and clarify in detail the story of the concept of parliamentary immunity in order to elucidate, in a Socratic fashion, what we really mean when we say that a senator or a deputy benefits from legislative immunity. This inquiry will help us emphasise how this concept leaves behind its abstract notion and becomes an institution with strict rules and practices. In addition, considering the importance of this concept in the modern legislative and rhetoric histories and the frequency with which it is used, this study will question the meanings of <italic>parliamentary immunity</italic> in the light of different historical settings and will eventually trace out a single, coherent, and unified conceptual matrix. My contention is that once <italic>parliamentary immunity</italic> – seen as a conceptual construct only adjusting the balance of power between the executive and the legislative powers – becomes an institution with strong practices, it enforces the parliament as a unified and independent body and creates the prerequisite conditions for the democratic development.</abstract>

From the Concept to the Practice of Parliamentary Immunity<xref ref-type="fn" rid="fn1_w2aab2b8c10b1b7b1ab1aaAa">1</xref>

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>University entrepreneurship is an idea that has gained a significant amount of support globally in the last 30 years and is seen as promoting reinvention, revitalisation, and simply remuneration for the universities themselves and their regions at large. But as universities begin to ramp up their technology transfer activities and start to commercialise their research, it is important to consider the regional context and the regional impacts that this can have. Technology transfer is important, but to truly transform economic “catch-up” regions to future leading regions, it cannot be the only goal of university entrepreneurship. As a result, larger perspective and more government, business, and university collaboration is needed. Using Poland as a focus area, this paper will summarise the concept and development of the entrepreneurial university and the policies needed for success, and show that the technology transfer activity of the university should be considered just one element of regional development strategies. It concludes with policy recommendations that may be useful for Poland and other regions.</abstract>

Entrepreneurial Universities and Regional Development: Policy Origins, Progress, and the Future, with a Focus on Poland

<abstract>
<title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>
As a result of globalization, and modern scientific and technological development, information technologies began to cover an increasing number of areas, including politics. The issue actualizes as we enter the Artificial Intelligence (AI) era. In times of AI, increasing scientific influence on politics was manifested in the development of a new scientific field — Digital Diplomacy. The development of AI and the changes taking place today can transform the political processes, imposing new threats to the political systems and the entire system of international relations. In this context, ethical issues are of particular concern because they can be blurred by the political decisions made by digital/computer program algorithms; that is, giving power to computer programs to make political decisions can destabilize the political system. This issue is particularly sensitive in terms of ensuring justice and protection of state political interests. The presented paper aims to discuss political transformation in the context of the modern digitalization process, the work of political institutions, and digital diplomacy.
</abstract>

Political Institutions in Times of AI, and Ethical Aspects of the Digitalization in Politics

<abstract>
<title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>
Since 2012, the Republic of Serbia has been governed by the Serbian Progressive Party, and since 2017 its chairman has also been the president, who has full power in his hands. In the first years after taking power, this group implemented a policy that could have been surprising to public opinion, considering the fact that it separated from the Serbian Radical Party. The negotiations on Kosovo, which brought a number of agreements, the diplomatic offensive that created Serbia as a European partner and regional hegemon, dynamic progress in the EU accession process and the promotion of Western European values were the elements that noticeably exposed the change in the image of this country in relation to the previous decades. However, the second term of government began to fit into the pattern of the global phenomenon of populism, leading to the ruling group taking over the structures of the separation of powers and limiting democracy in the country. Subsequent general elections brought the strengthening of this party in the structures of the state, whose level of democracy was rated increasingly lower in international rankings. Moreover, the political system of Serbia itself began to be presented in scientific and expert analyses as an example of stabilitocracy. The aim of this topic is to analyse the specific power of President Aleksander Vučić and his party in relation to shaping the state’s multi-vector foreign policy.
</abstract>

The Impact of the Political System of the Republic of Serbia on Shaping Foreign Policy After 2012

Book Review: ‘Media Systems in Balkan Countries: Context and Dynamics Of Changes’ Edited By Bogusława Dobek-Ostrowska &amp; Jelena Kleut, Published By Peter Lang, ISBN: 9783631909232, 2023, 294 Pages

<abstract>
<title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>
This scientific article examines the system of electoral districting in the 2023 Sejm elections and its impact on the principle of equality of representation. The main objectives of the study are to analyse the relationship between the principle of equality of representation and electoral districting in Sejm elections, evaluate the compliance of current constituency boundaries with this principle, and assess the potential consequences of any changes in districting in the 2023 Sejm elections in terms of electoral representation. The research questions guiding this study are as follows: (1) How should constituencies be determined for the 2023 Sejm elections and what legal criteria should be applied in electoral districting? (2) Does the current districting system align with the principle of equality of representation? (3) Are there disparities in the size or demographics of constituencies that could result in unequal representation in the Sejm? (4) What are the potential implications of the current districting system for the representation of different political parties? (5) How do alternative scenarios of districting affect the principle of equality of representation in the context of the 2023 Sejm elections? The research employs an institutional-legal analysis, along with statistical data analysis and simulations, to model alternative districting scenario and evaluate their effects on the principle of equality of representation. The findings of this study contribute to a comprehensive understanding of the implications of districting on the principle of equality of representation in the 2023 Sejm elections. The research emphasises the significance of fair districting for ensuring equal representation and provides valuable recommendations for policymakers.
</abstract>

Districting in the 2023 Sejm Elections and the Principle of Equality of Representation — Selected Aspects

<abstract>
<title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>
Hybrid regimes are characterised by a balancing act between democracy and authoritarianism, with neither political regime type being dominant. The balancing of the state between democratic and non-democratic modes of functioning can take the form of a state transforming from authoritarianism to democracy and a form of regression from democracy to authoritarianism, when the democratic system is upset by non-democratic mechanisms. The functioning of the political system in Ukraine during the years 1996–2004 was such that the authoritarian aspects of Ukraine’s hybrid regime overshadowed its democratic elements. Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way (2002; 2013) refer to this phenomenon as “competitive authoritarianism”. This term denotes regimes where authoritarian features are more prevalent than democratic ones, according to the concept. Since 2004, the Ukrainian political system has transitioned towards a hybrid regime that places more emphasis on democratic characteristics. In the following twenty years, the Ukrainian hybrid regime was transformed between democratic-authoritarian hybrid regime (as a result of the events of the “Orange Revolution”, and the “Revolution of Dignity”) and authoritarian-democratic hybrid regime (during presidency L. Kuchma and V. Yanukovych). The hybridity of the political regime also translated into the functioning of the chief state bodies. The aim of this study was to find an answer to the question whether and to what extent did the hybridity of Ukraine’s political regime imply on the specificity of the functioning of the institutions of the prime minister and government in the state. The research hypothesis is that the hybridity of the Ukrainian political regime, as a stage of transition from authoritarianism to democracy, partly contributed to changing the traditional order of functioning of the institutions of prime minister and government in the state just formally losing the head of state’s dominant role in the process of government functioning.
</abstract>

The Institution of Prime Minister and Government in A Hybrid Regime in Ukraine (1996–2021)

Conference Report: ‘Regional Assemblies in the Polish Political System’ (Sejmiki Województw W Polskich Systemach Politycznych), Wrocław, 25–26.01.2024

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>The aim of this article is to analyse the role and importance of leaders in the Czech populist parties and movements, as well as determining significant factors which condition their institutionalisation. The main focus will be placed on the role of leaders in establishing their respective parties, their formal position and intraparty selection processes in VV, ANO, SPD and ÚPD. Examples of actions taken by the leaders of ANO and SPD show that building populist parties on the foundation of the strong, formal and official position of the leader in their party as well as becoming open to more members prove effective when it comes to the discussed issues...</abstract>

Party Leaders in the Czech Populist Parties and Movements

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>The article discusses conceptualisation of populism, Lithuania’s party system and electoral dynamics and their relation to the sustainability of populist parties. Special attention is given to Party Order and Justice, a former populist and protest party, and its leadership, namely to the issues related to scope and competencies of a leader’s intra-partisan power, leadership selection rules and history, development of leaders’ political careers and their electoral activity. The L ithuanian party system now exhibits moderate fragmentation without centrifugal tendencies. Voter volatility is still relatively high, yet the share of new parties has dropped to zero. The protest and populist parties in Lithuania went into the margins of political establishment. Popularity of the Order and Justice party has long been connected to the formerly impeached president Rolandas Paksas. His long-term leadership in the face of plummeting electoral support and an emphasis on his political martyrdom resulted in poor electoral performances, ensuing internal squabbles and his departure. Party Order and Justice’s internal regulations, however, remained favourable to strong leadership.</abstract>

Populist Parties in Lithuania: Curious Case of Party Order and Justice and its Leadership

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>This study examines how populist politicians made sense of the issue of fake news. They generally consider fake news as a valuable propaganda tool for their political interests. According to the Reuters Digital News Report in 2018, Turkey ranks first on the list of countries where people complain about completely made-up stories. The study researched how fake news is helping facilitate the rise of populism in Turkey. There is plenty of fake news aired by pro-government media. Therefore, the Turkish government is emerging as a suspect behind the fake news cycle. The fact is that most of the fake news is published for the benefit of the government. Research shows that, paradoxically, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is regarded as one of the most important populist politicians in the world. These two different indicators can be valuable data in revealing the relationship between fake news and populist politicians. The aim of this paper is to consider the significance of this apparent relationship between fake news and President Erdogan. In order to do this, a critical discourse analysis method was based on the fake news about the pastor Brunson case, because Turkish readers came across a huge amount of fake news regarding his case in pro-government media.</abstract>

Fake News as a Tool of Populism in Turkey: The Pastor Andrew Brunson Case

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>Rarely do twins play active and significant roles in politics. Yet in 2006 President of the Republic of Poland, Lech Kaczyński, designated his twin brother Jarosław to be prime minister. The aim of the current publication is to analyse the political activity of Lech and Jarosław Kaczyński in the context of the founding of PiS and its functioning. Their position inside the party is undisputed. Moreover, as there is no opposition inside the party and Jarosław Kaczyński achieves spectacular electoral results, his legitimisation as autonomous leader of the party is strengthened even further.</abstract>

Twins In Power. Jarosław Kaczyński and Lech Kaczyński as Leaders of Law and Justice

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>This article scrutinizes the position and the role of the party leader in two populist parties in Belgium: Vlaams Belang (VB) and Partij van de Arbeid — Parti du Travail de Belgique (PVDA-PTB). Following Mudde’s definition, populism is understood as a people-centered and anti-elitist ideology. The article argues that, if one accepts the notion that parties will organize themselves in line with their ideological beliefs, then one should expect populist parties to exhibit three main characteristics: leaders are directly elected by the party members, they have extensive powers with only minimal intra-party institutional checks, and they feature strongly in electoral campaigns. Applying this argument to the two Belgian populist parties, the article finds only limited evidence for the argument that populist parties mirror their ideology in the role and position of their party leader.</abstract>

Populist Party Leaders in Belgium: an Analysis of VB AND PVDA-PTB

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