Volumen 8 (2018): Edición 2 (September 2018)

The digital single market is one of the most important objectives and challenges for the European Union. However, given that digitalisation implies a borderless world it requires a different form of governance and has distinctive features from other aspects of the single market. In addition, it raises a number of practical and political issues for countries outside the EU, but which maintain close economic and trade relations with the latter. The article examines the regulatory implications of the digital world from the point of view of states involved in the European Neighbourhood Policy, in particular Georgia, and looks into the future challenges in this process.

The aim of this article is to examine the impact religion has had on the post-Soviet economic development of Georgia and Estonia. The role of religion in economic development has been neglected in the field of social sciences, in which political and economic theories dominate. Considering the difference in the religiosity of the two countries—Georgia is one of the most religious countries in Europe while Estonia is the most atheist—religion will be incorporated as a factor that could have directly or indirectly impacted the post-Soviet development of the two countries. By studying the relationship of the church and the state in the two countries and the population’s economic attitudes that may have been influenced by their religiosity, this paper will conclude that religion can be considered a contributing factor in the economic divergence between Estonia and Georgia. The article’s overall findings will suggest that the practice of Eastern Orthodoxy in Georgia impedes the development of good governance and a free market economy, whereas the opposite holds for Protestantism or atheism in Estonia.

This study analyses China’s One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative for the Baltic and South Caucasus countries. Trade, Foreign Direct Investments and transit potential are taken as main factors for the cooperation. A clash of China and the West in pursuing economic leadership is taken into account. The study suggests a new, alternative route for the OBOR initiative through the Caucasus, which has all the needed infrastructure and readiness for being started. Moreover, Georgia is not new to the EU preferences, it has experience of GSP+ and now the unique achievement of free trade regimes with the EU and China is also taken as an alternative route and an advantage for the Caucasus and the Baltic States.

The Baltic people of Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia gained recognition with their successful use of a cultural tool, singing folkloric songs, to protest collectively against their common Soviet oppressor in the summer of 1988, preceding the collapse of the Soviet Union. Rational-choice theorists have argued that large rebellious movements are paradoxical because the larger the number of potential revolutionaries, the greater the leadership, participation, and coordination problems they face (Olson, 1971; Tullock, 1974). This paper investigates Estonia’s Singing Revolution and illustrates how ethnic Estonians used their shared cultural beliefs and singing traditions as a tacit, informal institutional solution to overcome the collective-action problems with organizing and participating in mass singing protests against the Soviet regime. The paper goes further to extend the standard rational-choice framework and to include a more dynamic, entrepreneurial-institutional perspective on socio-cultural change by accounting for the role of cultural leaders as cultural entrepreneurs, a subset of institutional entrepreneurs. The success of Estonia’s Singing Revolution can be ultimately attributed to leadership in the form of cultural entrepreneurship going back to pre-Soviet Estonian times. The revived legacy of ancient shared beliefs, folkloric practices, and singing tradition represented the necessary social capital for the Estonian people to voice collectively shared preferences for political and economic governance during a window of constitutional opportunity. Mikhail Gorbachev’s Glasnost, a policy aimed to improve Soviet formal institutions by fostering freedom of speech and political transparency, also provided a context propitious for the Singing Revolution because it lowered the perceived costs of participation in the rebellious singing and opened a window of opportunity for political change.

The article explores the sources of the idea of nation as it is encoded in the legislative framework of the Pole’s Card and its implications for the processes of identity-making taking place beyond the eastern borders of the Polish state. Given the problems with defining the role of the historical Polish diaspora in the East, the question of the conceptualization of national belonging is significant and has practical consequences at the macro-, meso- and micro-levels. The argument of the paper is twofold: (1) On the one hand, the document of the Pole’s Card reflects a specific inclusive—”cultural”— conception of the nation. In this conception, which is forged by the Polish policymakers, the conditions whereby the national belonging can be achieved are widely conceived. (2) On the other hand, the administrative decision-making process and the diplomatic practice of granting the Card prioritizes and executes the exclusive conception of the nation with its limited ethnic, religious (Roman Catholic) and linguistic background. This way, the document of the Pole’s Card becomes a legal device for establishing new social distinctions in societies of Poland’s eastern neighbours. By discussing this case on the ground, this paper hopes to demonstrate the ways in which the new creative notions of the nationhood are forged in Poland.

On 28 March 2018, the European Commission published a press release stating that there is a plan to revoke all.eu domains owned by the United Kingdom’s individuals and entities due to Britain’s exit from the European Union. The article highlights issues related to the process of the UK leaving the EU, gives examples from other fields of the Union law and the national law of the Member States which have experienced similar situations and also points out the fundamental rights that the Commission needs to comply with. The basics of domain names are also partially covered to inform the reader about what domain names are based on and of existing regulations in the field.

In the context of the EU’s Digital Single Market (eHealth) Strategy, the deployment of digital tools for patients’ empowerment and person-centred care is of high demand and importance. Shifting from treatment to health promotion and disease prevention, a variety of internet-based cognitive behavioural therapy programmes have been proven to be effective for managing common mental health disorders in secondary care even hough the effectiveness and the clinical use of internet-based cognitive behavioural therapy programmes alone in primary care have not been approved yet. Additionally, such interventions are neither included in the international clinical guidelines for treating common mental health disorders nor regulated by Member States as a healthcare service. Despite that, the UK National Health Service and the Swedish National Board of Health and Welfare endorse the use of internet-based cognitive behavioural therapy as a first treatment option. The aim of this research is to investigate the global experience of internet-based cognitive behavioural therapy programmes in controlled and real-life conditions in general practice and to evaluate the reliability of the results and concomitantly their compliance with the European Commission’s eHealth Strategy. A systematic review of quantitative studies was conducted from January 2007 to December 2017. The results indicated that unsupported internet-based cognitive behavioural therapy programmes alone are less effective than combined therapy options for treatment purposes, if no additional therapy is prescribed. Guided internet-based cognitive behavioural therapy may supplement traditional treatment methods resulting in improving the control of mental disorders, but are unable to demonstrate consistent quality or replace face-to-face therapy.

The article seeks to assess policy options of the Eastern Partnership Policy in stimulating long-term change in the partner countries. It argues that the policy has limited power to directly promote consolidation of democratic and market economy institutions or implementation of sectoral reforms. This is due to the embeddedness and mutual reinforcement of existing institutions in the partner countries. Instead, the Eastern Partnership Policy can create new dynamics of change by altering the outcomes of day-to-day interactions of a large number of individuals and organisations. In this regard, removal of barriers to travel, trade and participation in the EU programmes is an overdue (albeit too small) step in the right direction.