Volumen 38 (2020): Heft 1 (December 2020)
ECONOMIC POLICY

The article, written on the basis of a critical review of the latest Polish and foreign-language literature, materials from websites and the author’s experience gained from previous research, is treated as a voice in the discussion on new challenges and the need for historical research on economic policy in its various dimensions and contexts, and on the possibilities in this field. The premises which determined the title, nature and scope of the study were highlighted in the introduction. The following three parts attempt to answer the following questions in sub-headings: why is the turn to the problems of economic policy particularly desirable now? What premises justify and enable intensification of historical research on economic policy problems? How to study the past of economic policy to participate in managing the present and creating the future?

The article analyzes the economic content that appeared in the narratives of Władysław I the Elbow-high’s documents. References to the economic sphere occurring there were divided into two types. The first one contained information on the economic condition of an area, first and foremost about the destruction or war devastation that hit a given region or town. The second type justified ruler’s decisions, a desire to reform or to increase the benefits of the monarchy and his subjects. On the basis of the data obtained, an attempt was made to comment on the economic awareness of the ruler.

The article deals with the issue of the place, role and significance of the achievements of the housing policy of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) and in the economy before and after 1989, observed from the contemporary social and economic point of view. In the period of systemic transformation, expert and opinion-makers were, in majority, critical of the achievements of the housing policy of the prior period. This led to the creation and subsequent consolidation in public discourse of the negative image of the housing construction of the PRL period. 30 years after the collapse of communism, during which time the free market economy developed and Poland became a member of EU, this topic requires a more objective look and a more focused approach to the range of socio-demographic and economic changes that took place during that period. The current perception of the problem is also influenced by the lack of solutions to the housing issue by successive governments of the Third Republic of Poland.

In the 1980s, the communist authorities of Poland, forced by the dire economic and social situation, undertook a number of attempts to reform the centrally managed economy. By deciding on limited liberalization, they simultaneously secured the economic foundations of the government, which was dominated by the public sector. The Polish version of perestroika was, thus, implemented in order to balance the economy. However, like the Soviet model, it was a tactical move, essentially to consolidate the centrally managed economy. The economic hybrid that emerged from the partial reforms, contrary to the intentions of its creators, did not weaken, but rather strengthened deep crisis phenomena. Their inhibition became the main goal of the democratic government formed in 1989 and the radical economic reforms associated with the name of Leszek Balcerowicz. The departure from the reforms of the centrally managed economy and the undertaking of consistent market transformation resulted in measurable economic successes. They were particularly visible against the background of the economy of Belarus, Russia and Ukraine, whose authorities had abandoned comprehensive and consistent market reforms.

In the economy of the Polish People’s Republic in the field of agriculture, the key resources which were a subject of competition included: land; production assets (machines, devices, tools for agricultural production, fertilizers, plant protection chemicals) and people necessary to work on farms and for farms. The command economy of the times of the People’s Republic of Poland was an example of an economy of permanent shortages, which increased in times of crises of the entire system. The collapse of 1979-1982 was such a socio-economic crisis. The Trade Union of Independent Farmers’ “Solidarity”, which was part of the great social protest movement in 1980-1981, forced a change in the communist regime’s approach to the peasantry and, together with other pressure groups, contributed to the implementation of the agricultural reform covering the entire sphere of agriculture and not only its state farm segment. The reform of 1981, initiated by the Rzeszów-Ustrzyki agreements, gradually changed the living situation of farmers and, above all, led to changes in the profitability of agricultural production and the legalization of trade in meat products at marketplaces as well as the release of prices for food products in 1989. Peasant farms won the competition with state-owned farms for capital resources – new production factors, and they expanded their land acreage (land factor). Farmers, however, were losing competition for workers in confrontation with industry and services in cities and state-owned farms, where farm workers could count on very generous social benefits.

The Prime Minister’s program speech, called the exposé, attracts particular attention. Its essence comes down to presenting the government’s program. In a few key words, the Prime Minister often summarizes the framework proposals of his government in terms of economic policy, social policy, education, health care, the army as well as individual social and professional groups. The words spoken by the Prime Minister, asking for confidence in the government that has just been formed set the direction for the entire Council of Ministers for subsequent years. In this regard, there is a need to examine the economic policy of every Prime Minister in office since 1989 considering entrepreneurs. What offer did the heads of government make to entrepreneurs, what kind of support could this group count on, how were the institutions supporting the economy and political institutions evaluated? The aim of this article is to find answers to the presented problems.

Colonization successfully advanced various reforms in Africa that affected several practices on the continent. The various customs that have been affected include the land tenure system of British colonies in particular. An abundance of laws and policies were adopted with the sole aim of conserving the environment. These policies often clashed with indigenous interests and witnessed counter attacks as a result. Despite this, there is little information in the literature concerning how British land policies shaped their relations with the indigenous people, particularly the Asante. Based on a qualitative research approach, the current study uses Asante as a focal point of discourse in order to historically trace British land policies and how they, the British engaged with the people of Asante. From the discourse, it should be established that the colonial administration passed ordinances to mobilize revenue and not necessarily for the protection of the environment. In addition, the findings indicated that the boom in cash crops, such as cocoa and rubber, prompted Britain to reform the land tenure system. With the land policies, individuals and private organizations could acquire lands from local authorities for the cultivation of cash crops. We conclude that the quest to control land distribution caused the British to further annex Asante.

The article analyzes the process of creating and functioning of two representative organizations of entrepreneurs – the Congress of Mining Industrialists of the South of Russia (1874, Kharkiv) and the Congress of Mining Industrialists of the Kingdom of Poland (1882, Warsaw). Both institutions were a form of activity of the regional economic elites and represented their socio-economic interests. After a comparative analysis of associations of mining industrialists in Ukrainian and Polish territories, the article highlights common features, their structure, forms of activity and representative powers. Based on the research, it was found that, despite strict government control, they played an important role in defending local interests and developing the industry they represent, and the fruitful cooperation of the Miners’ Congresses of the South of Russia and the Kingdom of Poland allowed for the implementation of the agreed and, above all, effective pressure on the state authorities of the Russian Empire.

The paper deals with mechanisms used for reducing unemployment among women in Poland after the World War II, the so-called “women productivisation.” I discussed women’s attitude to employment and the state’s standpoint as far as the problem of women’s unemployment is concerned, and analyzed women’s unemployment figures in the introductory part. Employment policy in the early days of the Polish People’s Republic was a combination of many factors, among which the most important were ideology, pre-war tradition, and war-related experiences. Women found employment in the industry since the beginning of industrialization of the Polish lands in 19th century. In the interwar period and the early days of the Polish People’s Republic, employment increased mainly out of economic reasons (necessity to support family and oneself). It was in keeping with the Marxist ideology in place after the World War II. The “new woman” was to be free from capitalist exploitation and on par with a man in terms of professional career. The role model of the woman was in particular a female-worker employed in industry. After the war, in 1940s, the number of women registered at labor offices was rising. According to labor offices’ figures, the number of job offers for women was insufficient or these were unattractive. Hence, the Ministry of Labor and Social Policy (Ministerstwo Pracy i Opieki Społecznej) conceived the idea of developing short-term training for women and employing them in the cottage industry - action “AZ”. It lasted from 1947 to 1950; it was evolved due to changing regulations. Undoubtedly, the action “AZ” contributed to the development of “female” cooperatives, but with time it was considered as ineffective and its scope was limited. My fundamental goal was to discuss the ‘AZ’ program, including its course, scope, and scale, as well as its evaluation. The subject matter in question has not been discussed in detail to date but only briefly addressed in the literature listed below.

The aim of the study is to present the phenomenon of population migration and migration policy as part of the state’s economic policy based on the example of OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) countries, with particular emphasis on the area of migration policy, which is border control and related illegal migration. The temporal scope of the empirical analysis covers the period 1990-2016. The article consists of four main parts. The discussion began with a presentation of the balance of migration, the scale and dynamics of population immigration in OECD countries. Furthermore, the significance, areas and process of shaping migration policy as a part of the economic policy of the country are presented. Then, it focused on the migration policy in the area of border control in OECD countries. The discussion was crowned with the conclusions that followed.