rss_2.0Cultural Studies FeedSciendo RSS Feed for Cultural Studieshttps://www.sciendo.com/subject/CShttps://www.sciendo.comCultural Studies Feedhttps://www.sciendo.com/subjectImages/Cultural_Studies.jpg700700Islamophobic Discourse of Czech Politicians and Political Parties on Twitter during the 2015 Migration Crisishttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0009<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>This article focuses on the manifestations of Islamophobia of Czech politicians and political parties on the social networking service Twitter during the 2015 migration crisis. It utilizes the securitization theory of Copenhagen school as a theoretical framework, and through content analysis of relevant tweets aims to provide more data on what role Islamophobia played in the securitization of incoming migrants. We find that although securitization, and much more politicization, of migrants took place, obvious Islamophobia, similar to the one of the Czech Islamophobic movement, happened only in some cases. A number of those politicians who politicized or migrants and Islam usually raised their voices against radical Islamophobes.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2020-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00Global Language Politics: Eurasia versus the Resthttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0008<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>Globalization in the early 21st century can be considered as the age of inequality that splits the world into the rich North and the poor South. From the perspective of language politics, only very few discussed the division across the globe, especially, between Eurasia and the “Rest of the world.” In Eurasia, indigenous languages and scripts are used in official capacity, while the same function is fulfilled almost exclusively by <italic>non</italic>-indigenous (post/colonial) European languages in the Rest of the world. In the countries where they are spoken, non-Eurasian languages have limited presence in the mass media, education, or in cyberspace. This linguistic imperialism <italic>par excellence</italic> is a long-lasting and pernicious legacy of European (western) colonialism. The aforementioned divide is strongly associated to the use of ethnolinguistic nationalism in state building across many areas of Eurasia, while this ideology is <italic>not</italic> employed for this purpose outside the region.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2020-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00Banal Nationalism Disputes in Venezuela: 1999–2019https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0007<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>Michael Billig's idea of “banal nationalism” is a useful concept to approach a frequently neglected aspect of Venezuelan political disputes in the past 20 years. In Billig's formulation, banal nationalism is the constant reaffirmation of a nation's identity, through the display of national symbols. After Hugo Chavez rose to power, there were changes to Venezuela's flag, coat of arms, and banknotes. This aroused disputes that served as a micro-cosmos of Venezuela's larger confrontation. This article reviews the disputes over the changes made to those national symbols. It concludes that, although political and economic issues are at stake in Venezuela's current crisis, there are also ongoing culture wars. In that sense, an analysis of Venezuela's recent crisis would be incomplete without a consideration of its banal nationalism disputes.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2020-11-27T00:00:00.000+00:00Gender Labor Policies in the Franco Dictatorship (1939–75): The Discursive Construction of Normative Femininityhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0010<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>This article analyzes the labor gender policies and the strategies of “genderization” put forward by the Franco Dictatorship in Spain. The Franco regime understood that women were the touchstone of society and key in both biological and sociocultural reproduction. Legislative regulations and sanctioned discourses accentuated the division between productive-public and reproductive-domestic spheres, relegating women to the latter. Nevertheless, to what extent did women embrace and challenge the regime's idealistic view of gender? This article contemplates female employment within and beyond official discourse. Oral sources used in this article suggest that socioeconomic reality overflowed the narrow limits of normative femininity. Not all women could enjoy the “honor” of embodying the exalted role of “perfect (house) wife” that the Franco regime had entrusted to them. In addition, this article explores changes in the ideal of femininity throughout the dictatorship. The Franco regime underwent crucial transformations during its almost 40 years of existence. This article argues that its adaptation had repercussions on sociocultural patterns and gender policies. Francoism built its early notion of normative femininity on the ideals of domesticity and Catholic morality, but (re)shaped the meanings of womanhood and (re)adjusted the legal system to fit the new circumstances that arose in the Cold War context.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2020-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00Dynamics of the Media System in Post-Soviet Turkmenistanhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0002<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>This article explores the media environment in Turkmenistan from a comparative perspective, analyzing periods when this Central Asian nation was ruled by President Saparmurat Niyazov and his successor Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov. It examines critical trends of the media system’s development since the early 1990s and onward based on the political culture established under the ruling of these two state leaders. The paper argues that media plays a primary role in building a cult of personality of Saparmurat Niyazov, which was further implemented and developed by the administration of Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov. A case study of the Turkmen TV channels, in particular, is focused on styles of presenting materials, the language and propaganda techniques (clichés, slogans, labels), used to promote the cult of personality. The article analyzes the behaviors of the constructors and supporters of the cult of personality using the concept of the political culture in authoritarianism. Thus, the paper outlines that with some moderate dynamics in the media system, President Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov continues to strictly control media – the policies established by his predecessor, who used methods of total control and censorship of all media outlets in the country.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2020-04-01T00:00:00.000+00:00When Bi-nationalism Meets Multiculturalism: Ethnic Politics and Minority Languages in Northern Irelandhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0005<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>Does increasing immigration change the nature of language politics in a party system underpinned by ethnic valence strategies? This paper utilizes qualitative data to illustrate the manner in which debates on linguistic pluralism have become enmeshed in the politics of ethnic defense in Northern Ireland. It will be shown that language politics in this context is driven by the powerful pull of bi-national considerations. This is despite the fact that migrant languages have become increasingly common in the territory. The research provides insight into the manner in which ethnically defined parties have engaged with multicultural diversity, in the context of increasing immigration. It is shown that Sinn Féin representatives largely ignore discussions about wider language diversity, preferring to focus on narratives related to Gaelic. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) tends to utilize the broadened range of minority languages as a shield to repel nationalist demands for greater state support for Gaelic programs. The analysis of this evidence suggests that ethnically defined parties are ill-suited to the demands of a multicultural society and immigration-generated diversity.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2020-07-28T00:00:00.000+00:00Heroes and Victims in Divided Nationalism: The Case of Namibiahttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0006<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>Heroes play a role in every nation's founding narrative, embodying a group's strength and courage, its dedication to protecting all within its fold, and its most important traditions and promises. Yet hero images and tropes have not received the attention they deserve in the social science literature on nations and nationalism. Recent theories of character work – the rhetorical construction of heroes, villains, victims, and minions – reveal the challenges of building an inclusive nationalism in post-colonial states. We engage the debates over some of Namibia's most prominent and contested heroes through the memorials dedicated to them and the commemorations honoring victims of past struggles. We study the victims that these heroes sought to defend and trace the process by which victims become heroes of endurance. The Namibian state has, after its recent independence, constructed a memorial to fallen heroes, Heroes Acre, and an Independence Memorial Museum. Alongside these state-sanctioned memorial sites, a range of citizens have sought to honor and defend their own heroes. By honoring different heroes, they have defined alternative understandings of the nation. We also demonstrate the power of victims in mobilizing present day campaigns for justice and reparations. In Namibia, as elsewhere, greater attention to victims could shift the balance of political power. This article demonstrates how a focus on struggles over the legitimacy of particular heroes and victims can provide unanticipated insights into the study of divided nationalism.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2020-07-28T00:00:00.000+00:00Péter Csunderlik, 2019. [From the “Red Carnival” to the “Red Mongol Invasion.” The Soviet Republic in the Pamphlet and Memoir Literature of the Early Horthy Era]. Budapest: Napvilág Kiadó. Pp. 365.https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0003ARTICLE2020-07-28T00:00:00.000+00:00A Semantic Analysis of the Notion of Consultative Democracy: Xieshang Minzhu (协商民主) in the Chinese Official Political Discourseshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0004<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>Chinese politics are characterized by the complex issues of a large population and centralized political powers, which offers a distinct political model from the Western models. However, the last two decades have witnessed a sharp collision between Chinese and Western political thinking. In response, domestic authors have increasingly focused on the indigenization (bentuhua 本土化) of Chinese political theories and, therefore, defend the concept of politics with Chinese characteristics. In this article, the authors focus on the discourse of “deliberative democracy” within the Chinese language, namely, Xieshang minzhu 协商 民主. In the current literature, almost no scholarly discussions have explored the semantics of the notion of Xieshang minzhu within Chinese politics. This article engages with this issue, both as a subject and a methodology, to better understand the political language that has been used in the official discourses in China<fn id="j_jnmlp-2020-0004_fn_001_w2aab3b7c16b1b6b1aab1c15b1b1Aa" symbol="1"><p>Official propaganda mainly includes five of China’s most authoritative official media (newspapers): People’s Daily (Renmin ribao 人民 日报), Guangming Daily (Guangming ribao 光明 日报), Xinhua Daily(Xinhua ribao 新华 日报), China Comment (Banyutan 半月谈), Qiushi (Qiushi 求是, formerly known as Red Flag (Hongqi 红旗)), Xi Jinping’s series of important speech databases and official documents on the subject of Xieshang or Xieshang minzhu in the Party-Building Database.</p></fn> by 1) establishing a textual corpus by collecting relevant data into the Chinese and English groups through keywords; 2) conducting a statistical analysis based on the Word Cloud and Diagram analyses; and 3) using Word2Vec to calculate the relationship among other sub-keywords. The purpose of this contribution is to differentiate Xieshang minzhu as adopted by Chinese official discourses embedded in the logic of political reforms from the Western discourses. The semantic analysis presented here also serves as a methodology that systematically develops a conceptual model of <italic>xieshang</italic>, which further clarifies the misconceptions and errors in the existing literature. The authors also provide an outline of the polysemic notion of deliberative democracy, which not only exists within an authoritarian regime but is also present in other forms and other languages (such as Chinese). This serves to further maintain the legitimacy of the “socialist democracy <italic>with Chinese characteristics</italic>.”</p></abstract>ARTICLE2020-06-17T00:00:00.000+00:00Rock Beats the Wall? On Commemorative Practices in Post-Soviet Russiahttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0001<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>This paper focuses on the case analysis of the memorial to the victims of state terror – the Wall of Grief (<italic>Stena skorbi</italic>) – which was unveiled on the eve of the 100th anniversary of the November 7, 1917, coup d’état. Using this example, we have attempted to elaborate a structure for a more complex analysis of the memory of past regimes’ manifestation and to create a methodological base for their comparison. We have based our research on the discourse theory by the so-called Essex School, the social semiotics by Kress, and the procedures of the critical discourse analysis. The procedure that we have considered relevant consists of the following: (a) description of the social context in which the memorial was manifested as a piece of evidence; (b) semiotic analysis of the memorial artifact; (c) analysis of verbal practices, as well as written and spoken texts that “explained” the memorial; and (d) analysis of nonverbal practices, namely, rituals. On the basis of our case study, we have come to the conclusion that when carrying out a semiotic analysis and the analysis of verbal and nonverbal practices in the case of the Russian public discourse, it is especially relevant to pay attention not only to widening vs. narrowing of the chronological framework, generalization vs. concretization, and specification of the traumatic experience but also to the question of framing of the memorial. In regard to the semiotic analysis, the extent of indexicality is considered to be very important in the sense of the bodily connection with an element of the commemorated event that bestows “truthfulness” and authenticity on the memorial. We assume that particularly present-day Russia, where explicit attempts to reinterpret the history of the authoritarian communist state and attempts to instrumentalize the totalitarian period according to the vector of the current political direction may be seen, is a relevant object of this kind of research.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2020-03-26T00:00:00.000+00:00Alkemeyer, Thomas/Buschmann, Nikolaus/Etzemüller, Thomas (Hg.) (2019): Gegenwartsdiagnosen. Kulturelle Formen gesellschaftlicher Selbstproblematisierung in der Moderne. Bielefeld: transcript, 626 S., ISBN 978-3-8376-4134-9, 34,99 €.https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/kwg-2020-0075ARTICLE2021-01-05T00:00:00.000+00:00Grenzen und Ordnungen aus kulturwissenschaftlicher Perspektive: Tagungsbericht zur 6. Jahrestagung der Kulturwissenschaftlichen Gesellschaft e. V. „B/ORDERING CULTURES: Alltag, Politik, Ästhetik“ 8.10.–10.10.2020, Europa-Universität Viadrina, Frankfurt (Oder)https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/kwg-2020-0077ARTICLE2021-05-09T00:00:00.000+00:00Kartografie der Paranoia Konspiration, Kritik und Imagination in F. J. Degenhardts https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/kwg-2020-0078<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Zusammenfassung</title> <p>In den letzten Jahren vernahm man verstärkt die Diagnose, dass bewährte Formen der Kritik an ihr Ende gekommen seien. Stattdessen scheinen konspirative Narrative in krisenhaften Perioden des sozialen Wandels, in denen politische Zuschreibungen wie epistemische Wirklichkeitskonventionen erodieren, bewährte Argumentationen und Imaginationen der Sozialkritik zu absorbieren: Sie erklären den systemischen Zusammenhang zwischen sozialen Missständen, schaffen einen evidenten Boden für eine neue Politik der Wahrheit und mobilisieren in ihrer alarmierenden Dringlichkeit für die politische Praxis. In der Lektüre von Franz Josef Degenhardts 1975 erschienenen politischen Roman Brandstellen stellt sich der Beitrag die Frage, wie aus Kritik das Gegenteil von Kritik, nämlich ein hermetisches Erklärungsmodell der Paranoia, werden kann. Gleichzeitig entwirft der Roman ein literarisches Programm, das dem der Sozialkritik nicht unähnlich ist. Politische Literatur lässt sich hier in Anlehnung an Fredric Jameson als eine Kartografie des Sozialen lesen, die im Modus des Fiktionalen die Verteilung von sozialer Herrschaft neu justiert.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-06-19T00:00:00.000+00:00Title: Re:Bunker. Erinnerungskulturen, Analogien, Technoide MentalitätenAuthors: Maltzahn, Katrin von, Mona Schieren (Hg.)Place of Publication/Publisher: Berlin: ArgobooksYear of Publication: 2019Pages: 253ISBN: 978-3-942700-94-8Price: 28.00 EURCover: Hardcoverhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/kwg-2020-0076ARTICLE2021-05-11T00:00:00.000+00:00Generation Y Preferences in Online Content Consumption: Content Marketing Implications for the Artshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/sc-2021-0001<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This paper focuses on analysing the specific attributes and applications of content marketing in social media. Through an engaging and targeted content strategy using the “personas”, this kind of marketing creates an engaged and motivated audience both in the commercial and non-commercial environment. The social networks are an appropriate environment and a tool for distributing and promoting content, including arts. The aim of our research was to use an online questionnaire to describe the behaviour of Generation Y (25-40 years) when using online content and identify their preferences. We also characterize the current state and future direction of content marketing in the Slovak conditions and the possibility of its use in the realm of arts.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-04-18T00:00:00.000+00:00Platforms of Discourse Bridging Conflicting Cultural Realitieshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/sc-2021-0002<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Conflict is rooted in diverse sources of reality and language cannot alone solve conflicts. It is necessary to know the party’s grammar and ways of discourse. There cannot be compromise without understanding each parties’ reality truths and the rules of discourse relating to the platform of reality with these embedded truths. This work of theory posits that multiple platforms of discourse, each with differing rules, underpins every type of human interaction, political polarization, cultural and ideological clash, and all international relations including that of war. This understanding leads to an engagement strategy for compromise and agreement between the seemingly irreconcilable.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-04-18T00:00:00.000+00:00Exploring Political Parties on Facebook: Literature Review of the Two Main Political Parties in Ghanahttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/sc-2021-0003<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Ghana currently has over 25 registered political parties. The two key political parties in Ghana are the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress (NDC). Before the introduction of social media, especially Facebook, political parties in Ghana employed traditional communication strategies, such as TV, Radio, and News Papers, to execute political communication. However, since 2012 political parties in Ghana have deployed and relied heavily on social media platforms, particularly Facebook, as a political communication tool to disseminate their political manifestoes to the electorates in order to clinch political power.</p> <p>This article adopted a purely descriptive approach with an emphasis on document analysis to review relevant information and literature for the study. Hence literature is sourced from secondary sources like a pool of online libraries, political party’s websites/Facebook pages, and other scholarly research related to the subject under investigation. The objective of this paper is to carefully explore political parties on Facebook, emphasizing the two main Political parties in Ghana, thus the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress (NDC).</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-06-18T00:00:00.000+00:00AHRC’s Emerging Themes & Connected Communitieshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.5334/csci.31ARTICLE2010-01-01T00:00:00.000+00:00A Few Misconceptions about Cultural Evolutionhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.5334/csci.25<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Despite a growing number of social scientists who view the evolution of culture as a Darwinian process, research in the field at large is still rooted in the orthogenetic, progressive models of cultural evolution that were popularized in the nineteenth century and brought back in a new form in the mid-twentieth century. This is unfortunate because it shifts the focus away from the fact that cultural evolution is driven by some exceedingly complicated and highly interesting mechanisms that await further analytical attention. A better understanding of human behaviour, which is at the heart of cultural evolution, depends on a general recognition that genes and culture are not separately evolving entities but rather co-evolving components of the human enterprise.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2010-12-20T00:00:00.000+00:00The Cultural Science of Consumption: Brains, Networks, and Identitieshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.5334/csci.26<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The paper proposes a general theory of consumer behaviour in ‘social network markets’ – where individual choices are determined by the choices of others – by conceptualising such markets as examples of <italic>distributed cognition</italic>; itself part of an ‘externalist’ perspective on human identity. The paper goes on to consider the issues raised by this move, by working through the implications of a distinction between the ‘object self’ (or evaluating agency) and the ‘acting self’ (or implementing agency), a distinction that is required to account for apparent <italic>failures</italic> of choice within an individual. It transpires that ‘dysfunctional’ choices (choices that apparently harm the self) may be evidence of the evolutionary advantage of ‘dual selves,’ allowing for creativity to cope with novelty through open-ended learning. The paper uses this ‘dual selves’ approach to rethink semiotics and the emergence of meaning, building up an argument about the importance of copying, narrative and language in <italic>constituting</italic> identity though distributed cognition. Finally, the paper proposes that cultural science can reintegrate the study of meaning and cognition in order to analyse consumer behaviour and choice.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2010-01-01T00:00:00.000+00:00en-us-1