rss_2.0Musicology Today FeedSciendo RSS Feed for Musicology Todayhttps://sciendo.com/journal/MUSOhttps://www.sciendo.comMusicology Today 's Coverhttps://sciendo-parsed-data-feed.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/6235be3d16ec570f8dad236e/cover-image.jpg?X-Amz-Algorithm=AWS4-HMAC-SHA256&X-Amz-Date=20220930T230058Z&X-Amz-SignedHeaders=host&X-Amz-Expires=604800&X-Amz-Credential=AKIA6AP2G7AKP25APDM2%2F20220930%2Feu-central-1%2Fs3%2Faws4_request&X-Amz-Signature=461c07229e951f1113cff206415a731ec7307e27eb6fab559cbedf913b303bdf200300Introductionhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2021-0001ARTICLE2021-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00‘Per desiderio di farsi onore’: Singers and the Adaptation of Arias in Italian of the Early Eighteenth-Century Italyhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2021-0006<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Within the aesthetic framework of the work concept and author-centred approach to music history, the practice of aria substitution in the eighteenth-century Italian <italic>dramma per musica</italic> has frequently been viewed as hostile interference with the composer’s authorial intention and attributed to singers’ vanity, laziness and ignorance. However, the substitution of both the texts and musical settings of arias constituted the default production practice in a period in which scores were not conceptualised as fixed texts but functioned as performance materials for specific productions. Moreover, the practice of aria substitution was deeply rooted in the socio-cultural context of opera production and the arts consumption practices of the social elite. A manifestation of period preoccupation with displaying and gauging rank and status, it was crucial to singers’ professional success.</p> <p>Analysing the reasons for the substitution of three specific arias in revivals of settings by both Hasse and Vinci of Metastasio’s <italic>Artaserse</italic> in 1730 and 1731, this paper accounts for typical scenarios for this practice in opera production. Rather than focusing predominantly on the arias’ musical parameters, it also evaluates their dramatic features, scope for stage action and potential for engaging period audiences. Brief consideration is also given to two unusual <italic>drammi per musica</italic> of 1734 featuring an exceptionally high number of <italic>arie di tempesta.</italic></p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00Just for the Ladies? Compilation, Knowledge Practice and Pasticcio in England around 1720https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2021-0003<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>In 1719, the Royal Academy of Music was founded with the purpose of setting Italian opera in England on solid ground. Previously, at least two thirds of the Italian operas staged in London had been pasticci. Much of the criticism of the Italian opera before 1719 concerned stylistic fickleness. This is just one reason why it seems likely that the declining number of pasticci after 1719 can be interpreted as an effect of the move against stylistic compilations in music. In fact, in the first period of the Academy’s opera management (from 1720 to 1728) the share of pasticci fell to approximately 10 percent or even less – depending on where the dividing line is placed at a time before the English definition of the operatic pasticcio was established. My paper focuses on some experiments between ‘opera’ and ‘pasticcio’, staged in the Royal Academy’s first period (particularly <italic>Muzio Scevola</italic>), presented against the backdrop of the audience’s more general cultural knowledge practices and the works’ appeal to female members of the audience.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00‘Collected’ Pages for the (Teatro San Carlo, 1763)https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2021-0012<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>During the 1763–64 season, numerous intersections and connections occur behind the scenes of the principal Neapolitan opera house of Teatro di San Carlo. On the one hand, the focus on Metastasian repertoire persists without interruptions – a long and boundless tradition which will only fade towards the end of the century; on the other hand, Hasse’s world still exerts its fascination.</p> <p>Along with Metastasio’s <italic>Olimpiade</italic>, <italic>Issipile</italic> and <italic>Didone abbandonata,</italic> Migliavacca’s <italic>Armida</italic> was also staged. This libretto had been set to music by Traetta in 1760 for Vienna, a city which played a significant role in the annual schedule of the Teatro di San Carlo due to the presence of the ‘virtuosa’ Caterina Gabrielli. The singer had made her debut in that role in the Habsburg capital; the opera was presented with the same music composed by Traetta for the imperial opera house.</p> <p>In the Neapolitan context Cochetta revealed herself in all her splendour, yet also giving a hard time to all those who were in charge of the San Carlo. The selected repertoire was thus a kind of compromise, a diplomatic act aimed to ‘tame’ the stubborn soprano through an offer of operas suited to her voice and skills, and in all likelihood they were works proposed by herself. While the scores of <italic>Armida</italic> and <italic>Didone</italic> arrived in time, Scarlatti’s <italic>Issipile</italic> did not; in order to prevent the diva’s anger, another negotiation started under the guidance of Pasquale Cafaro, working at the San Carlo, who would ‘conduct’ the repertoire operas, and who offered to adapt them to the hired cast.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00Pasticcio and Pleasure. (Venice 1729)https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2021-0005<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Operatic pasticcio and the need for experiencing pleasure were inseparable in eighteenth-century operatic theatre, as can be demonstrated on the example of <italic>L’abbandono di Armida</italic>, a pasticcio that was performed in the Venetian Teatro San Giovanni Grisostomo on the last day of the 1729 carnival and gained considerable success. The article discusses the ingredients of pleasure derived from experiencing the pasticcio, which seems to have been multi-layered (the word ingredients used here perfectly reflects the <italic>haute cuisine</italic> roots of the pasticcio). The librettist Giovanni Boldini re-used for <italic>Armida</italic> arias from successful operas by Nicola Porpora, Tomaso Albinoni (?), Leonardo Leo, Leonardo Vinci, and Benedetto Marcello. Five arias have been analysed in order to exemplify the diversity of musical pleasure that the audience could experience. The final question is whether the pleasure drawn from a pasticcio is limited to one historical period, or possibly it presents a more universal appeal.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00From ‘insignificant’ bars to significant social relations: Elisabeth Teyber and Laodice's in (1763)https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2021-0008<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Allowedly, singers of Baroque opera could influence the final musical and dramaturgical shape of the work. In our paper, we will focus on a case study of Hasse's compositional process, which will serve as a platform for presenting the digital outputs of the research project ‘Pasticcio. Ways of Arranging Attractive Operas’. The 1763 version of Hasse's opera <italic>Siroe</italic>, re di Persia featured the novice Elisabeth Teyber in the role of Laodice, whose dramaturgical weight seems to have been reconsidered several times by the composer, particularly in one instance: The seventh scene of Act I was written out twice by Hasse, once as an <italic>accompagnato</italic> and once in a <italic>secco</italic> version. In the first part of this article, the background and reasons for such measures, which carry crucial information regarding compositional practices in Hasse's self-pasticcio, will be discussed. Particular emphasis will be placed on the dramaturgical changes and their presentation in the project's synoptical overview of the textual sources of <italic>Siroe</italic>. The second part enters into detail about Teyber and her vocal peculiarities, which prompted the composer's new concept of this scene. The third section is devoted to another digital humanities tool, namely the database, which serves to visualise relations between sources, singers and composers and to picture the complexity of 18<sup>th</sup>-century pasticcio practice.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00Handel’s Pasticci between Music History and Current Music Practice at the Handel Festival in Hallehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2021-0015<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Looking back on the first Handel Festival in Halle in 1922, it is argued that a close connection between science and practice has been characteristic of the Halle Festival from the very beginning. Arrangements of Handel’s works were made both by performing musicians and by recognised musicologists. Despite this common editing practice, the opera-pasticcio group of works has been disregarded until the early twenty-first century. Since 2012, the Stiftung Händel-Haus in Halle has been considering a reassessment of this group of works. Alongside performances, editions were to be produced. The positive results of this initiative are listed, but its failures are also pointed out. It is believed that the pasticci and Handel’s composition practice will ultimately only receive a suitable appreciation if a new aesthetic of the music work is applied as a foundation.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00Pastiching as Artistic Research: / (Brussels, 2006)https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2021-0014<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>On 6 December 2006, students of the Royal Conservatoire of Brussels performed two one-act pasticci arranged by the author of this article: <italic>Ifigenia</italic> and <italic>Ipermestra</italic>. Assembled as experiments in the young discipline of artistic research in music, both ‘cut &amp; paste’ operas offered opportunities to explore issues of music-dramatic syntax in <italic>opera seria</italic>. In this article, I explain how individual arias and recitatives were combined into two meta-compositions that sometimes respected, and sometimes overrode eighteenth-century generic conventions. By revisiting the scores, libretti, archives and first-hand memories pertaining to this venture, I will show that ‘pastiching’ (<italic>pasticciare</italic>) is more than a historical form; it is a transhistorical method, involving a broad network of agencies, operators, and stakeholders whose strategies can be artistic and non-artistic, convergent and divergent. Pastiching does not necessarily result in ‘works’, fixed in time and space, but rather produces meta-compositional assemblages, the transience and formal instability of which provide opportunities to showcase neglected repertoire and tackle outdated musical ontologies.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00Tortuous Roads. Tracing Back the Reception Paths of Apostolo Zeno’s Libretto (1703–1754)https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2021-0013<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>During the fifty years that mark the historical reception of Apostolo Zeno’s libretto <italic>Venceslao</italic> (1703–1754), no less than forty-two opera productions based on this text were staged throughout Europe. In most cases, these performances are documented in the form of printed libretti. As far as I was able to establish, the text of <italic>Venceslao</italic> was reproduced <italic>verbatim</italic> only once: the Kraków print of 1725 is identical with the Venetian one of 1722. Otherwise, Zeno’s <italic>Venceslao</italic> was subjected to constant changes; new elements were appearing in the successive versions along with older ones, which led to the emergence of <italic>sui generis</italic> literary pasticci.</p> <p>I have attempted to single out the versions which were crucial for <italic>Venceslao</italic>’s reception and determined its stages of development: 1. the Milan edition (1705/06), based on the Venetian <italic>editio princeps</italic> (1703) and the Florentine variant (1703/04); 2. the Neapolitan edition (1714/15) based on the Florentine version and, indirectly, on the Milanese one as well, 3. Domenico Lalli’s edition from Venice (1722); 4. The Turin-Prague version (1720/21–1725/26), which provided the lifeblood for later <italic>Venceslao</italic> operatic productions by the Mingottis’ troupe in Graz, Linz, Hamburg, and Copenhagen in the late 1730s and 40s. Subsequently, I have outlined the key characteristics of several unusual late <italic>Venceslao</italic> versions from Florence, Venice, and Genoa.</p> <p>Finally, I have distinguished two main phases in <italic>Venceslao</italic>’s reception. The first, incorporating the first three stages, lasted till the late 1720s / early 1730s. It was characterised by strong interconnections between the successive <italic>Venceslao</italic> versions. The new editions were built on the principle of continuous elimination and accumulation of elements taken from earlier variants, mixed with new ones. The second phase, from the 1730s onwards, was characterised by loose interconnections, especially on the level of so-called numbers (arias and ensembles). It seems that Zeno’s own original versions definitely played a minor role in <italic>Venceslao</italic>’s reception on European stages as compared with editions prepared by third parties.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00Scipione impasticciato: Performing, Researching and Reviving London operas from 1730–1731https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2021-0009<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The study discusses practical and aesthetic aspects of the pasticcio principle, which characterised London's Italian operas of 1730–31 and still concern revivals, source research, and editions today. Twentieth-century revivals of Handel's opera <italic>Scipione</italic> pose the question of how to evaluate the original version of 1726 vs its pasticcio-like revival of 1730. Details of the 1730–31 season under Handel, concerning for example the status of the vocal soloists, reveal a multiplicity of agencies (singers, composer, impresario, librettist, patrons/audiences) which influenced the artistic outcomes. Handel's decision-making role for the entire season as the company's music director is re-asserted, although the proposal of John H. Roberts (2016) that another musician composed the recitatives for the pasticcios <italic>Ormisda</italic> and <italic>Venceslao</italic> will be accepted. This musician, however, may have been the tenor Annibale Pio Fabri rather than the concert-master Pietro Castrucci, suggested by Roberts. The aesthetic question that concerns us today is the dichotomy between a unified author-work-concept and a discursive pasticcio principle, of which the former is observed in critical editions, the latter in (post-) modern stage productions. It is suggested that a similar contrast already characterised eighteenth-century theatrical practice and aesthetics, although fluctuations between the two principles and, generally, multi-agency in creating theatrical works were negotiated with considerable freedom.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00Hasse's , Thirty Years Later: A Veritable Work in Progresshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2021-0007<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The article aims at assessing the differences between Hasse's original setting of Metastasio's <italic>Siroe</italic> in 1733 and the composer's second setting of the same drama, exactly thirty years later, in terms of dramatic, vocal, and musical balance. The two versions will be comprehensively compared with a focus on two main issues. The first is the origin of the two settings, which goes back to two distinct versions of the libretto, originally conceived by Metastasio for Venice and Naples respectively; a different starting point which gave birth to two, largely separate dramatic projects, differentiated by a number of distinctive facets. On the other hand, special attention will be devoted to the play's characters, which, though basically the same in both settings, demonstrate remarkable differences in individual characterisation and overall balance, both as far as drama and music are concerned.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00The Art of ‘Cooking’ a Pasticcio: Musical Recipes and Ingredients for Pasticcio Operashttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2021-0004<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Despite the rather pejorative implications that the musical pasticcio has today, it may have been an appreciated art form in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The term <italic>pasticcio</italic> is clearly derived from the culinary pasticcio, which was a highlight at aristocratic banquets in this time. The mixture of tastes and the spectacular presentation which characterises the culinary pasticcio, as well as the contemporary concept that culinary as well as painted ‘pasticcios’ are distinguished by ‘unity amidst variety’, can equally be found in the musical pasticcio. Several layers can be perceived, exemplified by the pasticcio <italic>Arione</italic> (Milan 1694) and those which George Frideric Handel and the Mingotti opera troupe staged in London and other places. The ‘noble’ pasticcio may be defined as characterised by a musical idea which, like a pastry, covers the entire piece and relates the individual elements to the whole. If it is lacking, the pasticcio becomes a conglomerate of music, like a dish whose ingredients are all thrown together.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00Between Opera and Oratorio. The Pasticcio Oratorios in Prague and Brno ca 1720–1760https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2021-0011<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The phenomenon of the pasticcio oratorio was quite widespread in the Czech Lands around the middle of the eighteenth century. The first evidence of this practice was a Latin oratorio based on opera arias by George Frideric Handel (Prague 1725). In Brno, the capital of Moravia, the performances of oratorios were supported by Bishop Wolfgang Hannibal Schrattenbach, who was also an important patron of Italian opera. Therefore, opera arias were frequently interpolated into the Italian oratorios produced in his palace every week during Lent. Some works from the 1730s were even created as pasticcios composed of contrafacted opera arias. The only surviving score, <italic>La vittima d’amore</italic> by Joseph Umstatt (Brno 1741) with music by Caldara, Hasse, Leo, Feo, Porta and Pescetti, shows the process of creating this type of oratorio in detail. The reprise of this work by the Crusaders in Prague on Good Friday 1744 and its favourable reception stimulated the considerable development of this practice in the mentioned church. Between 1749 and 1758, at least six pasticcio oratorios were performed here. The music was selected not only from the works of popular composers of the time (Hasse, Jomelli, Graun), but also from the compositions of the older generation (Fux, Lotti, Conti, Porpora). Based on an analysis of librettos and music sources, the paper shows some examples of this phenomenon, crossing the boundaries between the opera and the oratorio in both directions.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00Pasticcio, Arrangement, or Adaptation? Georg Philipp Telemann's Pasticcio Based on Fortunato Chelleri's https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2021-0010<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>In musicological research on the eighteenth-century operatic pasticcio it has often been discussed how pasticci can be distinguished from <italic>dramme per musica</italic>. The article examines the evolution of Fortunato Chelleri's opera <italic>Innocenza difesa</italic> in the course of its adaption for several performance venues (Florence 1720, Venice 1722, Kassel 1725, Wolfenbüttel/Brunswich 1731), as well as pasticcio projects based on Chelleri's score (Hamburg 1732). By analysing the surviving libretti, scores, and sheet music related to Chelleri's opera, it can be shown that Chelleri as well as the arranger of the Hamburg pasticcio-production, Georg Philipp Telemann, paid attention to the overarching dramaturgical principles as well as to new forms of music publishing in large metropolises such as London. Telemann not only chose some arias by George Frederic Handel from among the most celebrated numbers in the opera <italic>Lotharius</italic> (composed by Handel, printed by John Walsh in London, 1730), but he also fostered Chelleri's focus on Judith as a main character. Within these musical-dramaturgical perspectives, based on very loose networks of connections between librettists, composers, singers, and probably stage designers, requests for specific arias from individual singers could also be accommodated.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00The Work Concept in Eighteenth-Century Italian Opera: Some Issues, Modest Proposals and Contributionshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2021-0002<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Determining in an unequivocal and definitive way what the Italian <italic>dramma per music</italic>a was in the eighteen century is only apparently an easy task. Starting with a discussion of the definition of eighteen century Italian <italic>dramma per musica</italic> as a variable spectacular text, the paper attempts to provide a concise taxonomy useful for critically assessing the situations that can arise when analysing the sources and tradition of <italic>opere impasticciate</italic> and <italic>pasticci</italic>. Changes in operatic texts, in all their components (the poetry, music, visual and proxemic aspects) can occur at various levels of their evolutionary textual tradition, in different functions, manners, and for different reasons. The change of operators and other environmental contexts may lead to adaptive reworking, to a varying degree, of one or more of the linguistic elements constituting the work: verse, music, scenes and so on. It should be noted that the documentation of one or more levels may, naturally, be partly or completely lost.</p> <p>Furthermore, some possible new research themes have been suggested as an attempt to understand the ways and reasons for the peculiarities of the adaptations of Italian <italic>dramma per musica</italic> in foreign countries. Within this context the work’s adaptations created by the composers may reveal facts that deserve to be studied more systematically. For instance, they may have an almost involuntary cognitive, formative function. Adapting a text forces one to reflect on its dramaturgy, to formulate solutions and find ideas that can make it still theatrically effective, It can even, if necessary, transform the <italic>maestro</italic> into a proto-director who guides the musician-actors. It is appropriate to investigate this point and verify, for example, whether and how the adaptations introduced in the various situations by the different <italic>maestri</italic> in some central European theatres could lead to a richer language of musical gestures correlated with an actor’s personal gestural expression which, perhaps, was more explicit or more disguised in those countries.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00In the Shadow of the Lost Crown. ‘Oppressed Innocence’ in the Operas Dedicated to Maria Clementina Sobieska in Rome (1720–1730)https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2020-0001<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>As a result of the Glorious Revolution of 1688, James II Stuart lost the throne of England, Scotland, and Ireland. He spent the last years of his life in France, in residence offered to his family and court by Louis XIV. Following his death in 1701, the title and claim to the throne of the three kingdoms was inherited by his son James III Stuart, who in 1719 married Maria Clementina Sobieska (1702–1735). James and his wife extended their patronage over one of Rome's major opera houses, the Teatro d’Alibert, at which 16 operas were dedicated to that couple in 1720–1730. Of those 8 that honoured Maria Clementina, 4 (half of them) deal with the topic of ‘oppressed innocence’, previously passed over by scholars studying the couple's patronage. These are: <italic>Eumene</italic>, (lib. A. Zeno, mus. N. Porpora, 1721), <italic>Adelaide</italic>, (lib. A. Salvi, mus. N. Porpora, 1723), <italic>Siroe</italic>, <italic>re di Persia</italic>, (lib. Metastasio, mus. N. Porpora, 1727), and <italic>Artaserse</italic>, (lib. Metastasio, mus. L. Vinci, 1730). This paper analyses the said operatic theme and attempts to explain why it is the dominant subject in operas dedicated to Sobieska. It also studies the political and propagandist potential which that theme could have for the Stuart cause.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2020-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00More on the Music of Giuseppe Torti (before 1752–after 1780)https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2020-0003<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Very little is known about Giuseppe Torti's life. Associated with Milan, he was active in 1752–1780. He made several long journeys, including to the Lithuanian court of H. F. Radziwiłł. I have recently discovered three new works by this composer, which means that his known and surviving output now consists of 12 compositions: 9 instrumental pieces, cantatas, and an aria, to which one should add one opera libretto and information about two operas. In Poland, Torti composed at least two (now lost) operas, staged at H. F. Radziwiłł's court theatre. His earlier works, such as <italic>Concerto in G Major</italic> (GroF826), <italic>Trio in G Major</italic> dedicated to Charles Davers, and the aria <italic>Attenda il core dal caro bene</italic> may also have belonged to the ducal court's repertoire. The cantata <italic>Armata sum in campo</italic> was most likely composed in Lithuania.</p> <p>A notable aspect of Torti's preserved output are the numerous arrangements of his works, which suggests that his music was constantly in circulation, adapted and rewritten for the needs of a given place, in accordance with the audience's tastes. This indirectly confirms that his oeuvre earned the audience's acclaim. The geographic distribution of his compositions in European music centres is impressive indeed, from Edinburgh to Slutsk and from Stockholm to Palermo. This wide distribution testifies to Torti's love of travelling, but also to the popularity of his music.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2020-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00Paul Hindemith's Symphonic Metamorphosis of Themes by Carl Maria von Weber for Orchestra: A Historical and Analytical Perspectivehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2020-0005<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>A now standard component of orchestral and wind band repertoire, <italic>Symphonic Metamorphosis of Themes by Carl Maria von Weber</italic> was originally intended to be ballet music. This study examines the history and background surrounding Paul Hindemith's orchestral piece and demonstrates how Hindemith crafted each movement based off Weber's original piano duets and incidental orchestral music. The study was undertaken as limited information exists about the piece in its entirety, and much of what has been written primarily concerns itself with grammatical and contextual aspects of Hindemith's title. Existing analyses either only focus on a singular movement, or are limited; presumably, due to a prevailing notion that Hindemith simply orchestrated the piano pieces. Potentially exacerbating the issue may be the fact that it was not known for nearly twenty years after <italic>Symphonic Metamorphosis</italic> was premiered which Weber duets Hindemith reworked. This analysis, coupled with the background information provided, shows that Hindemith's settings transcend mere orchestrations and, in some cases, exhibit qualities of original composition. The analysis thoroughly delineates Weber's <italic>Turandot</italic> overture and three piano duets, part by part and hand by hand, to show exactly where and how Hindemith altered the original writings. The differences in overall form, measure numbers, tempi, meter, and harmony are listed. In addition, it is revealed which thematic additions, alterations, and omissions Hindemith includes.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2020-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00How to Impress the Public: Farinelli's Venetian Debut in 1728–1729https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2020-0002<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Farinelli came to Venice only when his career was already well advanced. In 1728/29 he performed there in two operas, <italic>Catone in Utica</italic> by Leonardo Leo and <italic>Semiramide riconosciuta</italic> by Nicola Porpora. These operas needed to become a financial success because of the high remuneration the star singer earned. The composition and adaptation of the operas to the stage uncover the strategies by the impresarios of the Teatro San Giovanni Grisostomo, the Grimani brothers, and by Farinelli himself to secure income and renown. <italic>Catone in Utica</italic> underwent a highly unusual procedure at its very premiere because the opera was “impasticciata”, i.e. merged with pre-existing or newly-composed music by other composers. The substitutions reveal Farinelli's aim to stun the audience in his very first aria on stage. His brother's (Riccardo Broschi's) “Mi lusinga il cor d’affetto” Farinelli had sang earlier in 1728 presents his entire vocal profile in a single aria. In subsequent arias, Farinelli adds some features not present in this aria or concretizes several aspects of it. In the second opera, Porpora's <italic>Semiramide riconosciuta</italic>, Farinelli concentrates on another feature of his vocal style: small, fast, quasi-improvisational motives. Although they are also found in operas by other composers and were also sung by other singers, <italic>Semiramide riconosciuta</italic> is a special case because of their high frequency in Farinelli's role. All in all, the two operas of his first appearance in Venice seem to follow the intention to present his entire vocal spectrum to the audience.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2020-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00Bronisław Mirski - Polish Music Director of the Silent Film Erahttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/muso-2020-0006<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Bronisław Mirski (b. 1887 as Moszkowicz in Żyrardów near Warsaw, Poland – d. 1927 in El Paso, Texas) belongs to the substantial group of Polish émigré artists of Jewish origin. A violinist and conductor educated in Europe, he permanently settled in the United States at the end of 1914 under the name of Nek Mirskey and soon began working as a music director in movie theatres. He was in charge of the musical settings for elaborate artistic programmes composed of silent films as well as music and stage attractions. His first widely acclaimed shows were presented at the Metropolitan Theatre of Harry M. Crandall's chain in Washington, D.C. Based primarily on the American press of 1921–23, this article discusses Mirski's work methods and his involvement in improving the quality of live musical accompaniment for silent films. The work that he continued till the end of his life places him among the foremost musicians of the silent film era.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2020-12-31T00:00:00.000+00:00en-us-1